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        <title type="short"><hi rend="italic">Essays and Criticisms by Thomas Gray (1911) [e-text]</hi>, ed. C. S. Northup</title>
        <author>Gray, Thomas, 1716-1771</author>
        <editor>Northup, Clark Sutherland, 1872-1952</editor>
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        <note type="references">Northup <ref target="/texts/diglib/secondary/NoC_1917/1/51#bib336">336</ref>.</note>
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          <author>Gray, Thomas, 1716-1771</author>
          <title>Essays and Criticisms by Thomas Gray</title>
          <editor>Northup, Clark Sutherland, 1872-1952</editor>
          <pubPlace>Boston and London</pubPlace>
          <publisher>D. C. Heath &amp; Co.</publisher>
          <date>1911</date>
          <series>
            <title level="s">The Belles-Lettres Series, Section IV: Literary Criticism and Critical Theory</title>
          </series>
          <extent>liii, 1p., 378p., 4p.; 15 cm</extent>
          <note type="holdingLibrary"><hi rend="italic">Thomas Gray Archive</hi></note>
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        <list type="toc">
          <label>Series title page</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-i">The Belles-Lettres Series, Section IV Literary Criticism and Critical Theory</ref></item>
          <label>Title page</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-iii">Essays and Criticisms by Thomas Gray</ref></item>
          <label>Dedication</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-v">To James Morgan Hart</ref></item>
          <label>Preface</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-vii">Preface</ref></item>
          <label>Contents</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-ix">Contents</ref></item>
          <label>Preface</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-xi">Introduction</ref></item>
          <label>Half-title</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-1">Essays and Criticisms</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-3">Phaedo</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-7">Essay on the Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-13">Essay on Norman Architecture</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-21">Observations on English Metre</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-39">The Measures of Verse</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-57">Observations on the Pseudo-Rhythmus</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-73">Some Observations on the Use of Rhyme</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-80">Additional Observations and Conjectures on Rhyme</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-87">Some Remarks on the Poems of John Lydgate</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-118">Samuel Daniel</ref></item>
          <label>Section</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-122">Selections from the Letters</ref></item>
          <label>Notes</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-309">Notes</ref></item>
          <label>Index</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-367">Index</ref></item>
          <label>Advert</label>
          <item><ref target="#p1-u2">Advertisement</ref></item>
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  <text xml:space="preserve"><front><pb n="i" xml:id="p1-i" type="unnumbered"/>
<lb/><titlePage rend="center" type="series">
<docTitle><titlePart>The Belles-Lettres Series</titlePart><titlePart>
—</titlePart><lb/><lb/><titlePart>
SECTION IV
</titlePart><titlePart>LITERARY CRITICISM AND<lb/>CRITICAL THEORY</titlePart><titlePart>
—</titlePart></docTitle><lb/><lb/>
<byline><seg rend="small">General Editor</seg>
CHARLES HAROLD HERFORD, Litt.D.<lb/>
<seg rend="small">Professor of the English Language and Literature<lb/> 
University of Manchester</seg></byline>
</titlePage><lb/>
<pb n="ii" xml:id="p1-ii" type="unnumbered"/>
<ab/>
<pb n="iii" xml:id="p1-iii" type="unnumbered"/>
<titlePage rend="center">
<docTitle><titlePart>
ESSAYS<lb/>AND  CRITICISMS</titlePart></docTitle>
<lb/><byline>BY
<docAuthor>
THOMAS GRAY
</docAuthor></byline><lb/><byline>
EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES<lb/><lb/>BY
<docAuthor>
CLARK SUTHERLAND NORTHUP, Ph.D.
</docAuthor>
<seg rend="small">
Assistant Professor of the English Language and<lb/>
Literature in Cornell University
</seg></byline>
<lb/><lb/><lb/><lb/><lb/><docImprint>
Boston, U.S.A., and London<lb/>
D. C. HEATH &amp; CO., PUBLISHERS
</docImprint></titlePage>
<pb n="iv" xml:id="p1-iv" type="unnumbered"/>
<lb/><lb/><lb/>
<ab rend="center small">
Copyright, 1911, by D. C. Heath &amp; Co.<lb/><lb/>All Rights Reserved
</ab>
<lb/><lb/><lb/>
<div type="dedication"><pb n="v" xml:id="p1-v" type="unnumbered"/>
<lb/><lb/><lb/>
<head rend="center">
To<lb/><lb/>
JAMES  MORGAN  HART<lb/><lb/>
Teacher and Friend
</head>
<lb/><lb/><lb/>
<pb n="vi" xml:id="p1-vi" type="unnumbered"/>
<ab/>
</div><div type="preface"><pb n="vii" xml:id="p1-vii" type="unnumbered"/>
<head rend="center">Preface</head>
<p>The present volume is, I believe, the first entirely devoted to Gray's 
critical prose. Editions of his poetry are numerous; and it has been 
generally assumed that he was chiefly a poet. The slender collection of 
poems, however, was not the only product, possibly not the chief product, 
of Gray's intellectual life. It is idle, of course, to discuss the 
comparative worth of creative and critical effort; it is worth while, 
however, in this age, to emphasize the necessity of sound criticism and to 
insist on the high value of Gray's contribution, slight as it was in 
quantity, to the critical thought of his time.</p>
<p>I have endeavored to present an accurate text; but as the volume is 
intended for general as well as scholarly use, I have modernized the 
spelling and punctuation, indicating in the notes Gray's few peculiar 
spellings, when the peculiarity seemed worthy of attention. Little is 
gained by retaining, in a text like this, the outworn spellings of a by-gone 
age; while much may be said in favor of uniformity, even though that 
involves the use of some forms that we do not like. All the footnotes are 
Gray's own. My notes are gathered at the end of the text.</p>
<p>It remains to express my obligations to Professor Herford for his 
courtesies in connection with the preparation of the book. To Professor 
Martin W. Sampson I am indebted for his kindness in reading the introduction 
in manuscript. My debt to my predecessors, especially Professor Duncan C. 
Tovey, for the substance of many of the notes, will be obvious and is 
gratefully acknowledged.</p>
<p rend="right">C. S. N.   </p><ab type="implicit">
Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y.,<lb/> 
        <emph>July,</emph> 1909.
</ab><pb n="viii" xml:id="p1-viii" type="unnumbered"/>
<ab/>
</div><div type="contents"><pb n="ix" xml:id="p1-ix" type="unnumbered"/>
<head rend="center">Contents</head>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0">
<row><cell style="width: 15%"/><cell style="width: 70%"/><cell style="width: 15%">page</cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Preface</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-vii">vii</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Introduction</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-xi">xi</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>    I. The Life of Gray</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-xi">xi</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>    II. Gray's Productivity</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-xxii">xxii</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>    III. His Position in the Development of Criticism</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-xxvii">xxvii</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>    IV. His Qualifications as a Critic</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>    V. His Critical Works</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-xxxix">xxxix</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>    VI. Summary</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-li">li</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>    VII. Bibliographical Note</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-lii">lii</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Phaedo (<ref target="#p1-309">309</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-3">3</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Essay on the Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke (<ref target="#p1-309">309</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-7">7</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Essay on Norman Architecture (<ref target="#p1-310">310</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-13">13</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Observations on English Metre (<ref target="#p1-312">312</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-21">21</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>The Measures of Verse (<ref target="#p1-314">314</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-39">39</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Observations on the Pseudo-Rhythmus (<ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-57">57</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Some Observations on the Use of Rhyme (<ref target="#p1-320">320</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-73">73</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Additional Observations and Conjectures on Rhyme (<ref target="#p1-322">322</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-80">80</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Some Remarks on the Poems of John Lydgate (<ref target="#p1-323">323</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-87">87</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Samuel Daniel (<ref target="#p1-325">325</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-118">118</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Selections from the Letters (<ref target="#p1-326">326</ref>)</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-122">122</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Notes</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-309">309</ref></cell></row>
<row><cell/><cell>Index</cell><cell><ref target="#p1-367">367</ref></cell></row>
</table>
<pb n="x" xml:id="p1-x" type="unnumbered"/>
<ab/>
</div><div type="preface"><pb n="xi" xml:id="p1-xi" type="unnumbered"/>
<head rend="center">Introduction</head>
<div type="section"><head rend="center">I. The Life of Gray</head>
<p><ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Gray,%20Thomas,%201716-1771">Thomas Gray</ref>, 
one of the most eminent men of letters of his time, was born in Cornhill, 
London, on December 26, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1716">1716,</ref> the son of <ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Gray,%20Philip,%201676-1741">Philip</ref> and <ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Gray,%20Mrs.%20(Dorothy),%201685-1753">Dorothy</ref>  
Antrobus Gray. He was the fifth of twelve children; all the others died in 
infancy. His father, a well-to-do merchant, was extremely eccentric, not to 
say brutal, and was probably insane. He refused to educate the lad, and the 
expense of his education was borne by his mother, who with her sister Mary 
"kept a kind of India warehouse." About <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1725">1727</ref> Thomas Gray was sent to Eton 
College, where his uncle Robert Antrobus was assistant to Dr. George, the 
principal. At Eton Gray formed lasting friendships with 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Walpole,%20Horace,%201717-1797">Horace 
Walpole</ref>, son of the Prime Minister; 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#West,%20Richard,%201716-1742">Richard West</ref>, 
son of the Lord Chancellor of Ireland; 
and <ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Ashton,%20Thomas,%201715-1775">Thomas 
Ashton</ref>, nicknamed "Plato." The four formed what they called "the 
Quadruple Alliance,"<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xi-1"/> which produced at least the interesting letters 
collected by Mr. Tovey in <emph>Gray and His Friends.</emph></p>
<p>After seven years of Eton, Gray was ready for the university. Robert 
Antrobus was a fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge, and his younger brother 
Thomas was a fellow of King's College. It was natural, therefore, that their 
nephew should proceed to <ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Cambridge%20(Cambridgeshire,%20England,%20United%20Kingdom),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7010874%5D">Cambridge</ref>; thither
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xi-1">H. Walpole, <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Mrs. Toynbee, i. 10, 20.</note>
<pb n="xii" xml:id="p1-xii"/>
Thomas Gray went in <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1734">1734</ref>, and after a 
short stay at Pembroke Hall, he became on July 3 a pensioner of Peterhouse. 
The curriculum, especially the mathematical part, did not appeal to him, and 
he soon decided (<emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. 3 ) not to take a degree. 
He was not athletic; he had no exercise; and he was by some considered 
effeminate, partly because he drank tea for breakfast while others for the 
most part drank beer. Melancholy early "marked him for her own"; and the 
dulness of life never ceased to weigh on his spirits.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xii-1"/> But he was 
constantly—doubtless too constantly—busy, with his reading of 
the Latin, Greek, and Italian authors. He became familiar with Ovid, Horace, 
and Livy. He <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=tgal0023">wrote</ref> Richard West (May 8, 1736) 
that he had been having a game at quoits 
with Statius. He read Virgil under a venerable beech on his uncle's estate 
at <ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Burnham%20(Buckinghamshire,%20England,%20United%20Kingdom),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7026497%5D">Burnham</ref>; 
in a Latin letter to West he quotes Lucretius, Poseidippus, and 
Homer. He was an ardent Greek scholar at a time when interest in Greek 
studies at Cambridge was at a low ebb.
</p><p>Gray left Cambridge in September, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1738">1738</ref>, 
and after staying for a time at his father's house, accepted Horace Walpole's 
invitation<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xii-2"/> to join him in a tour of the Continent. Leaving <ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Dover%20(Kent,%20England,%20United%20Kingdom),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7011554%5D">Dover</ref> 
on March 29, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1739">1739</ref>, the two men 
spent two months in <ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Paris%20(Ville%20de%20Paris%20department,%20Ile-de-France,%20France),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7008038%5D">Paris</ref>, 
three in <ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Reims%20(Marne,%20Champagne-Ardenne,%20France),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7011060%5D">Rheims</ref>, and two at 
<ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Lyon%20(Rhône,%20Rhône-Alpes,%20France),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7008772%5D">Lyons</ref>. 
Gray's letters to his father and mother reveal a mind alert, sensitive, and 
unconventional. At a time when men were only repelled by the "horrors"
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xii-1">See his <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. 1, 3, 6, 9, 95, 103, 196, 
281, 301, 334, 345, ii. 2, 14, 23, 24, 26, 36, 48, 54, 165; 
<emph>Works,</emph> ed. Gosse, iii. 167, 181, 240, 261, etc.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xii-2">Cf. Walpole, <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Mrs. Toynbee, viii. 259</note>
<pb n="xiii" xml:id="p1-xiii"/>
of Alpine travel, he writes to 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#West,%20Richard,%201716-1742">West</ref> 
of his journey up to the Grande 
Chartreuse: "There are certain scenes that would awe an atheist into belief." 
Crossing the Alps, Gray and 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Walpole,%20Horace,%201717-1797">Walpole</ref> 
visited <ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Turin%20(Torino%20province,%20Piedmont,%20Italy),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7005688%5D">Turin</ref>, 
<ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Genoa%20(Genova%20province,%20Liguria,%20Italy),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7008546%5D">Genoa</ref>, 
which Gray thought "a charming place," and <ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Bologna%20(Bologna%20province,%20Emilia-Romagna,%20Italy),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7004847%5D">Bologna</ref>, 
arriving at <ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Florence%20(Firenze%20province,%20Tuscany,%20Italy),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7000457%5D">Florence</ref> 
about the middle of December. Here Gray began his <ref target="/cgi-bin/view.cgi?collection=primary&amp;edition=1775&amp;part=1&amp;page=160"><emph>De Principiis Cogitandi</emph></ref>. In the spring 
they visited Siena, <ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Rome%20(Roma%20province,%20Lazio,%20Italy),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7000874%5D">Rome</ref>, and 
<ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Naples%20(Napoli%20province,%20Campania,%20Italy),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7004474%5D">Naples</ref>, 
returning to Florence in July. At Reggio 
a quarrel occurred between the two travelers, occasioned probably by 
Walpole's somewhat supercilious treatment of his sensitive companion;<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xiii-1"/> 
and the two parted. Gray returned home by way of Padua, Verona, Milan, Turin, 
and Lyons, visiting a second time the Grande Chartreuse and writing in the 
album his ode <ref target="/cgi-bin/view.cgi?collection=primary&amp;edition=1775&amp;part=1&amp;page=117"><emph>O tu severi relligio 
loci</emph></ref>. Two months after his return, 
on November 6, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1741">1741</ref>, his father died of gout. About a year later his mother 
and aunt went to West End, <ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Stoke%20Poges%20(Buckinghamshire,%20England,%20United%20Kingdom),%20inhabited%20place%20%5B7011896%5D">Stoke Pogis</ref>, 
to live with their recently widowed sister Mrs. Rogers.
</p><p>The year <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1742">1742</ref> is memorable in Gray's 
life for his prolific composition of 
English verse. He began with a tragedy, <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=agtr"><emph>Agrippina</emph></ref>, inspired by 
Racine; but receiving frankly hostile criticism from his friend West, he 
abandoned it. At Stoke Pogis, in June, 1742, he wrote his 
<ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=oots"><emph>Ode to Spring</emph></ref>. In August he wrote his touching 
<ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=sorw">sonnet on the death of West</ref>; 
his <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=odec"><emph>Ode on a Distant Prospect of Eton
College</emph></ref>; and his <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=otad"><emph>Hymn to 
Adversity</emph></ref>. In the autumn, too, he began the <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=elcc"><emph>Elegy</emph></ref>, which was 
to lie unfinished
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xiii-1">See Tovey, <emph>Gray and His Friends,</emph> pp. 5-12, and Walpole's 
letter to Mason, March 2, 1773, in his <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Mrs. 
Toynbee, viii. 245 f.</note>
<pb n="xiv" xml:id="p1-xiv"/>
for seven years. Truly, had physical energy and ambition combined to spur on 
the young poet, this year had been an auspicious beginning of a great 
poetical career.
</p><p>The next six years of Gray's life, however, were to be devoted not to 
composition but to study. After his father's death, supposing his means to 
be ample, Gray had begun to read law in London; but the condition of the 
family finances after the death of his uncle Jonathan Rogers (in October, 
<ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1742">1742</ref>) made it impossible to go on with 
the study of law. So he returned in the winter of 1742 to Peterhouse, and 
taking his degree of LL.B. in <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1744">1744</ref>,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xiv-1"/> 
settled down as a permanent resident of the college. The Greek authors 
claimed his attention, and he read widely and carefully, making notes on 
Plato, Aristotle, Strabo, Aristophanes, the <emph>Anthology</emph>, etc., and 
projecting editions of some of these writers. During these years he saw 
little of Cambridge society, for which he had a certain contempt;<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xiv-2"/> 
but he made occasional journeys to London. Through the mediation of "a Lady 
who wished well to both parties," in November, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1745">1745</ref>,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-xiv-3"/> 
he became reconciled to 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Walpole,%20Horace,%201717-1797">Walpole</ref>, 
and thereafter saw him frequently. He seems 
also to have known Pope (this is implied in his <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=tgal0023">letter</ref> to Walpole, February 3, 
1746); and he is said to have met Hogarth at a dinner given by Walpole. 
In <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1748">1748</ref> he began a philosophical poem 
on <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=aleg"><emph>The Alliance of Education and
Government</emph></ref>. He explained to 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Wharton,%20Thomas,%201717-1794">Wharton</ref> 
that he intended to
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xiv-1">Cf. <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. 113, n. 1.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xiv-2">See his <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=hyig"><emph>Hymn to Ignorance</emph></ref>, written 
in 1742 or 1743.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-xiv-3">Cf. <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. 124, and n. 2.</note>
<pb n="xv" xml:id="p1-xv"/>
show that education and government "must necessarily concur to produce great 
and useful Men."<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xv-1"/> But when Montesquieu's <emph>L'esprit des lois</emph> 
appeared in 1749, Gray found that the French author had anticipated some of 
his best thoughts, and losing interest in his poem, soon ceased work upon it.
</p><p>The death of his aunt Mary Antrobus, on November 5, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1749">1749</ref>, seems to have induced Gray to take 
up his <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=elcc"><emph>Elegy</emph></ref> again; and at length, on June 
12, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1750">1750</ref>, he finished it and sent it to 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Walpole,%20Horace,%201717-1797">Walpole</ref>. 
In this place criticism of the now classic poem is entirely 
superfluous. It is interesting, to those who love dates, to note that the 
<emph>Elegy in a Country Churchyard</emph> was finished exactly a century before 
the publication of <emph>In Memoriam,</emph> and that even Tennyson himself, 
though he strove to express universal feeling about death, did not succeed 
in coming so near the heart of mankind and in saying so exquisitely what the 
living ever think in regard to the dead. Recluse though he might be, the man 
who could write the <emph>Elegy</emph> had not lost his humanity. On February 16, 
<ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1751">1751</ref>, the <emph>Elegy</emph> was published 
in a large quarto pamphlet and was immediately and prodigiously successful.
</p><p>While still in manuscript the <emph>Elegy</emph> had been read by Lady Cobham, 
Gray's neighbor at Stoke, who sent her guest 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Schaub,%20Lady,%20d.%201793">Lady Schaub</ref> and 
her niece 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Speed,%20Henrietta%20Jane,%201728-1783">Miss 
Harriet Speed</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xv-2"/> to call on the poet. The incidents of this call 
and the one Gray made in return form the material of the amusing <emph>jeu d' 
esprit</emph> entitled <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=lost"><emph>A Long Story</emph></ref>, which 
Gray wrote in the autumn.
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xv-1"><emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. 192.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xv-2">Cf. <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. 351, n. 3.</note>
<pb n="xvi" xml:id="p1-xvi"/>
Probably at 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Walpole,%20Horace,%201717-1797">Horace 
Walpole's</ref> suggestion, 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Bentley,%20R.%20(Richard),%201708-1782">Richard 
Bentley</ref>, son of the Master of Trinity, made several illustrations for 
the poems of Gray, which 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Dodsley,%20Robert,%201703-1764">Dodsley</ref> 
published in February, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1753">1753</ref>, under the 
title of <ref target="/cgi-bin/view.cgi?collection=primary&amp;edition=1753"><emph>Designs by Mr. R. Bentley for Six Poems 
by Mr. T. Gray</emph></ref>. The engraving, which was of a high order, was done 
by John Sebastian Müller and Charles Grignion.
</p><p>On March 15, 1753, Gray's mother died at Stoke, at the age of sixty-seven. 
In the inscription which he placed on her tomb, Gray speaks of her as 
"the careful tender mother of many children, one of whom alone had the 
misfortune to survive her." This tribute, beautiful in itself, well indicates 
the depth of Gray's devotion to his mother; and read in the light of other 
remarks of his, it may be regarded as more than a merely conventional 
expression of his deep-seated despondency.
</p><p>At the death of his mother, Gray came into possession of the remainder of 
the small fortune left by his father, part of which had already fallen to 
him; and his income now sufficed to meet the needs of his simple habits of 
life. Though he was not rich, the poet never had to work for his living, 
and even scorned to receive pay for his writing.
</p><p>To the following year, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1754">1754</ref>, belongs 
the incomplete <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=oopv"><emph>Ode on Vicissitude</emph></ref>, which 
was found after Gray's death in a diary of that year; and to the same year 
Mr. Gosse assigns the <emph>Essay on Norman Architecture.</emph> More certain 
is it that at the end of this year Gray began the Pindaric odes. <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=pppo"><emph>The Progress of Poesy</emph></ref> was sent on December 26 
to <ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Wharton,%20Thomas,%201717-1794">Wharton</ref>. 
<ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=bapo"><emph>The Bard</emph></ref> occupied much of his time in the 
following year, but in the
<pb n="xvii" xml:id="p1-xvii"/>
autumn was laid aside, and was not completed till three years later.
</p><p>An important event of <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1756">1756</ref> 
in Gray's quiet life was his removal to Pembroke College, to which he was 
admitted as a resident on March 6. The cause of his leaving Peterhouse was 
apparently some rudeness on the part of the younger inmates of the college; 
there is no good authority, however, for the story that he was induced to 
descend his rope-ladder into a tub of water.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xvii-1"/>
</p><p>The <ref target="/cgi-bin/view.cgi?collection=primary&amp;edition=1757">publication</ref> of the two Pindaric odes by 
Dodsley in the summer of <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1757">1757</ref> 
gave Gray a wide reputation as the greatest living poet of England. On the 
death of Colley Cibber (December 12, 1757), he was offered the laureateship 
by the Duke of Devonshire, then Lord Chamberlain, but declined the honor. 
"The office itself," he wote to 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Mason,%20William,%201724-1797">Mason</ref>, 
"has always humbled the professor 
hitherto (even in an age when kings were somebody), if he were a poor writer 
by making him more conspicuous, and if he were a good one by setting him at 
war with the little fry of his own profession."
</p><p>In the early part of <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1758">1758</ref> Gray made 
an antiquarian and architectural tour in the Fen country, visiting Ely, 
Peterborough, Croyland Abbey, Thorney, Fotheringay, etc. After this he staid 
for a time with Lord and Lady Cobham, and spent the month of July with 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Walpole,%20Horace,%201717-1797">Walpole</ref> at 
<ref target="/materials/glplaces.shtml#Strawberry%20Hill%20(Richmond%20upon%20Thames,%20Greater%20London,%20England,%20United%20Kingdom),%20neighborhood%20%5B4010855%5D">Strawberry 
Hill</ref>. Toward the end of the year his aunt, Mrs. Rogers, died, and after 
settling her estate he closed the house at Stoke Pogis  and went to
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xvii-1">See <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. 292, n. 3, ii. 304; G. L. 
Kittredge, "Gray's Ladder of Ropes," <emph>The Nation,</emph> Sept. 27, 
1900, lxxi. 251; Walpole, <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Mrs. Toynbee, viii. 
444 f.</note>
<pb n="xviii" xml:id="p1-xviii"/>
live in London, in order to read at the recently opened British Museum. 
Here he spent four hours a day, engaged especially in studies preparatory 
to writing his <emph>History of English Poetry.</emph> His friend Lady Cobham 
died in April, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1760">1760</ref>, leaving her 
fortune of £30,000 to Miss Speed. It was rumored<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xviii-1"/> that a match 
had been planned by her between her niece and Gray; but whether or not the 
rumor was well founded, the plan came to nothing; Gray "knew his own
mind."<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xviii-2"/>
</p><p>In June, 1760, he writes to 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Wharton,%20Thomas,%201717-1794">Wharton</ref> 
that he is gone mad over Macpherson's 
translations from the Erse. In the celebrated Ossianic controversy we find 
Gray strongly inclined to believe in the genuineness of the fragments, but 
frankly admitting the difficulties that opposed this belief. He corresponded 
on the subject with Hume and Adam Smith. He began to take interest not only 
in Celtic (at least Gaelic and Welsh) but also in Norse literature; and all 
of his own later poetry reflects the romantic impulse to which he now 
readily yielded. Evans's <emph>Specimens of Welsh Poetry</emph> (1764) is said 
to have supplied him with suggestions for his own fragments in verse that 
date from this period.
</p><p>Returning to Cambridge in November, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1761">1761</ref>, Gray made his home at Pembroke 
during the remainder of his uneventful life. He took a deep interest in 
Norton Nicholls, then a student of Trinity Hall, later rector of Lound and 
Bradwell, who became a warm friend and
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xviii-1">See Gray's <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=tgal0370">letter</ref> to Wharton, October 
21, 1760, <emph>Letters,</emph> ii. 167; and cf. Miss Speed's letters 
to Gray, in Tovey's <emph>Gray and His Friends,</emph> pp. 197 ff.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xviii-2"><emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, ii. 143.</note>
<pb n="xix" xml:id="p1-xix"/>
ardent admirer. His <emph>Reminiscences of Gray,</emph> though written more 
than thirty years after the poet's death, are of great value. Gray's 
health grew steadily worse, until in <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1764">1764</ref> 
he was obliged to undergo a severe operation,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xix-1"/> which restored him to 
health. The next year we find him traveling in northern England and in 
Scotland, and delighted with the Gaelic songs and the sublimity of the 
Highlands. Other summer holiday tours were to Kent in 
<ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1766">1766</ref>, to the Lakes in 
<ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1767">1767</ref> (a trip cut short by the illness 
of his companion, 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Wharton,%20Thomas,%201717-1794">Wharton</ref>) 
and again in 
<ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1769">1769</ref>, and to Worcester, Gloucester, 
and South Wales in <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1770">1770</ref>.
</p><p>Of great significance were Gray's visits to the Lakes. His <emph>Journal in  
the Lakes,</emph> describing the journey of 1769, is one of the first narratives 
in which the magnificent landscape of the Cumberland lakes is described with 
modern feeling and appreciation. Equipped with a Claude Lorraine glass, Gray 
passed slowly through the region, delighting in the changing colors of sky 
and cloud and water and in the noble lines of mountain and vale; and then 
soberly and without hysteria recorded his impressions. Wordsworth, whom many 
credit with having "discovered" the scenery of the English Lakes, only 
followed, in this respect, in the wake of Gray.
</p><p>In July, <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1768">1768</ref>, the chair of Modern 
History and Modern Languages at Cambridge, for which Gray had been an 
unsuccessful applicant in <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1762">1762</ref>, was 
offered to him by the Duke of Grafton and was accepted. Following the custom 
of his predecessors, he delivered no lectures;
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xix-1">Cf. <emph>Works,</emph> ed. Gosse, iii. 170; Myra Reynolds, <emph>The 
Treatment of Nature in English Poetry,</emph> 1909, pp. 225-233.</note>
<pb n="xx" xml:id="p1-xx"/>
he compiled with the recommendation that the teaching of the languages be 
entrusted to a deputy, and employed Agostino Isola, later the editor of 
Tasso. In the following year, on the occasion of the installation of the 
Duke of Grafton as Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, Gray 
volunteered to write the <ref target="/cgi-bin/display.cgi?text=ocmu">Installation <emph>Ode</emph></ref>. 
It was the last verse, apparently, that he wrote; echoing Milton and Dryden, 
as a Cambridge ode might properly do, and containing some noble lines.
</p><p>The chief thing yet to be chronicled of Gray's last years is his 
friendship for <ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Bonstetten,%20Charles%20Victor%20de,%201745-1832">Charles 
Victor de Bonstetten</ref>, a young Swiss, son of the Treasurer of Berne, who 
was sent to Gray by Nicholls from Bath in November, 
<ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1769">1769</ref>. For nearly four months Bonstetten
sat daily at the feet of Gray, reading the English classics and talking of 
his life and enthusiasms. When Bonstetten left England in March, 
<ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1770">1770</ref>, he had secured Gray's promise to 
visit him in Switzerland the next summer. But Gray's health proved unequal 
to the effort. His strength and courage gradually declined until in May, 
<ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1771">1771</ref>, he was attacked by gout of the 
stomach. He died on July 30, 1771, profoundly mourned by a small circle of 
friends who, in spite of his reserve and his isolation, had learned to love 
his noble and attractive nature.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xx-1"/>
</p><p>In <emph>The London Magazine</emph> for March, 1772 (xli. 140), appeared an 
estimate of Gray written by his friend William J. Temple, of Trinity Hall, 
Cambridge, in a letter to Boswell, and published by the latter without
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xx-1">Cf., for example, Walpole, <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Mrs. Toynbee, viii. 
66 f., 72 f., 85 f.; Norton Nicholls, quoted in Gosse's <emph>Gray,</emph>
pp. 208 f.</note>
<pb n="xxi" xml:id="p1-xxi"/>
authority. Temple's remarks, quoted by both 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Mason,%20William,%201724-1797">Mason</ref> 
and Johnson, are as follows:
</p><p>"Perhaps he was the most learned man in Europe. He was equally acquainted 
with the elegant and profound parts of science, and not superficially but 
thoroughly. He knew every branch of history, both natural and civil; had 
read all the original historians of England, France, and Italy; and was a 
great antiquarian. Criticism, metaphysicks, morals, politicks made a 
principal part of his plan of study; voyages and travels of all sorts were 
his favourite amusement; and he had a fine taste in painting, prints, 
architecture, and gardening. With such a fund of knowledge, his conversation 
must have been equally instructing and entertaining; but he was also a good 
man, a well-bred man, a man of virtue and humanity. There is no character 
without some speck, some imperfection; and I think the greatest defect in 
his was an affectation in delicacy, or rather effeminacy, and a visible 
fastidiousness, or contempt and disdain of his inferiors in science. He also 
had in some degree that weakness which disgusted Voltaire so much in Mr. 
Congreve: Though he seemed to value others, chiefly according to the 
progress they had made in knowledge; yet he could not bear to be considered 
himself merely as a man of letters, and though without birth or fortune, or 
station, his desire was to be looked upon as a private independent gentleman, 
who read for his amusement. Perhaps it may be said, what signifies so much 
knowledge, when it produced so little? Is it worth taking so much pains to 
leave no memorial but a few poems? But let it be considered that Mr. Gray 
was to others, at least innocently
<pb n="xxii" xml:id="p1-xxii"/>
employed; to himself, certainly beneficially. His time passed agreeably; he 
was every day making some new acquisition in science; his mind was enlarged, 
his heart softened, his virtue strengthened; the world and mankind were 
shewn to him without a mask; and he was taught to consider every thing as 
trifling, and unworthy of the attention of a wise man, except the pursuit of 
knowledge, and the practice of virtue, in that state wherein God hath placed 
us."
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">II. Gray's Productivity</head>
<p>A good deal has been written on the subject of Gray's sterility. His 
poetry, interspersed with many notes, in Mr. Gosse's edition fills little 
more than two hundred small octavo pages; his letters, about eight hundred 
pages; and his other prose, a little over five hundred pages. For a life of 
fifty-five years almost exclusively devoted to scholarly and literary 
pursuits, this is certainly not a large product. Several explanations of its 
smallness have been offered. Matthew Arnold, writing especially of Gray's 
poetical output, and echoing the <ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Brown,%20James,%201709-1784">Rev. James
Brown</ref>, Master of Pembroke, says, 
"he never spoke out"; he "fell upon an age of prose." "As regards literary 
production, the task of the eighteenth century in England was not the poetic 
interpretation of the world, its task was to create a plain, clear, 
straightforward, efficient prose. Poetry obeyed the bent of mind requisite 
for the due fulfilment of this task of the century. It was intellectual, 
argumentative, ingenious; not seeing things in their truth and beauty, not 
interpretative. Gray, with the qualities of mind and soul of a genuine
<pb n="xxiii" xml:id="p1-xxiii"/>
poet, was isolated in his century. Maintaining and fortifying them by lofty 
studies, he yet could not fully educe and enjoy them; the want of a genial 
atmosphere, the failure of sympathy in his contemporaries, were too great." 
It has been more than once pointed out<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxiii-1"/> that Arnold here shows less 
critical acumen than usual, and has indeed quite missed the truth of the 
matter. Gray was quite as much in sympathy with the age and had quite as 
many friends as would have been the case in the seventeenth or the nineteenth 
century. Had he lived a century earlier or later he would doubtless have 
found more zeal for learning, and possibly, in the nineteenth century, more 
wide-spread intelligence, with which he would have been delighted; but he 
would have been perplexed by other things — the leaden weight of 
Puritanism, or the theological doubts of the troubled age of Arnold and 
Clough.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xxiii-2"/> Friends he had always, and their approbation was not withheld 
or stinted.
</p><p>Yet from one point of view there is doubtless truth in Arnold's highly 
elaborated dogma. Gray's companions and friends were not of the kind adapted 
to stimulate his activity in either verse or prose. 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#West,%20Richard,%201716-1742">West</ref>, 
the one stimulating comrade of his youth, died in 
<ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1742">1742</ref>, when Gray was twenty-six. 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Walpole,%20Horace,%201717-1797">Walpole</ref>, 
always a dilettante, was scarcely an inspired writer, except of letters, 
and besides, he and Gray gradually drifted apart. Of the 186 letters 
(1759-1771) printed by Mr. Gosse in his third
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxiii-1">See, for example, Phelps, <emph>Selections,</emph> p. xviii; Parrott, 
<emph>Studies of a Booklover,</emph> p. 176; Saintsbury, <emph>A History 
of Criticism,</emph> iii. 55; <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. xxvii f.; 
Lounsbury, <emph>The Nation,</emph> xl. 205 f.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xxiii-2">On this point see also Tovey, <emph>Gray and His Friends,</emph> pp. 27-30.</note>
<pb n="xxiv" xml:id="p1-xxiv"/>
volume, only six are to 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Walpole,%20Horace,%201717-1797">Walpole</ref>; 
while of Walpole's 1360 letters written 
before Gray's death, only seven are addressed to Gray. Of his other friends, 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Wharton,%20Thomas,%201717-1794">Wharton</ref>
was a busy physician; Conyers Middleton's theology repelled him; 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Stonhewer,%20Richard,%201728-1809">Stonehewer</ref>, 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Chute,%20John,%201701-1776">Chute</ref>, and 
<ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Brown,%20James,%201709-1784">James Brown</ref> 
were not productive. <ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Mason,%20William,%201724-1797">Mason</ref>, 
it is true, was exceptionally productive, but his work reacted on Gray's 
critical rather than his creative faculty. Gray's aversion to Cambridge 
society is well known. "I converse with none but the dead here," he writes 
to Chute in <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1742">1742</ref>. Even had he been 
less averse to the society of the Cambridge 
dons, however, there were few (except Middleton, who died in 
<ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1750">1750</ref>) whose 
conversation would have been especially suggestive or stimulating.
</p><p>Professor Phelps has sought for other causes of Gray's meagreness of 
output: his scholarly and critical temperament, his lack of health, his 
abhorrence of publicity and popularity. Phelps's argument is answered by 
Professor Parrott, who, reasoning from analogy, doubts the adequacy of 
even this explanation, and who believes rather that Gray lacked the born 
poet's creative impulse as well as the capacity for profound reflection, 
for strong, lively, and passionate feeling, and for broad and deep sympathy. 
Professor Parrott argues forcibly and plausibly, and has well stated some 
points of the case. I am inclined to think, however, that he has not given 
us a wholly adequate explanation of the matter.
</p><p>Professor Phelps would seem to be warranted in saying that Gray's 
scholarly temperament had much to do with his writing so little. The 
scholar's instinct in him was strong.  He chose to continue living at 
Cambridge
<pb n="xxv" xml:id="p1-xxv"/>
after taking his degree in law, partly, it is true, because living there was 
cheap, but mainly because there he had access to books and manuscripts. He 
took keen delight in reading. He planned editions of Greek classics. It is 
true that he did not complete them; and the reason will be considered 
presently. That he undertook these studies merely to allay regret at not 
being able to write, or to drive away ennui, there is very little evidence. 
Nor can we think of Gray as selfish in devoting himself to the acquisition 
of knowledge which would benefit himself alone. His plans for publishing 
books make against this view. An ardent apostle of Greek culture, he hoped, 
through better editions of his favorite authors, to spread the study of 
Greek literature. The effect of his steady and prolonged devotion to 
scholarship — and in this he may be likened to Darwin — was to 
dry up the poetic vein; and in prose, moreover, aside from his letters, and 
his <emph>Journal in the Lakes,</emph> virtually a letter-diary, he seems to have 
produced little in his later years, certainly after <ref target="/resources/table.shtml#1764">1764</ref>.
</p><p>Another reason for his producing so little was his fastidious taste. He 
polished and repolished his verses. He rigorously excised lines that many 
another poet would have been proud to retain. "He has left nothing finished," 
wrote Walpole<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxv-1"/> to Sir Horace Mann after Gray's death; "in truth, he 
finished everything so highly, and laboured all his works so long, that I am 
the less surprised." There are indications, too, that he did not compose 
readily or fluently — probably for the
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxv-1"><emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Mrs. Toynbee, viii. 92.</note>
<pb n="xxvi" xml:id="p1-xxvi"/>
same reason. He thus presents a striking contrast to his friend <ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Mason,%20William,%201724-1797">Mason</ref>, 
who was prolific but uncritical. 
</p><p>Doubtless his reticence and shyness had something to do with his writing 
so little, though it is easy to make too much of this circumstance.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxvi-1"/> 
A lyric poet — and Gray's genius was essentially lyric — must 
express himself, his own nature; must have felt what he utters. That Gray 
was capable of deep feeling — and here I must differ with Professor 
Parrott — is evident from several passages in his letters;<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xxvi-2"/> yet 
he was chary about expressing it, and indeed was singularly reticent in 
talking to others about himself. <ref target="/materials/glnames.shtml#Bonstetten,%20Charles%20Victor%20de,%201745-1832">Bonstetten's</ref> 
failure to get the old poet to talk about his past life is well known.
</p><p>That Gray's health was for long periods (except in his later years) so 
bad as to prevent or discourage authorship, we find in his letters very 
little evidence. He speaks frequently of low spirits, or melancholy; but 
there are also occasional remarks<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-xxvi-3"/> about his improvement in health. 
In the greater number of the letters written in middle life, even in those 
written to intimate friends, there is no reference to his health.
</p><p>A stronger reason than ill health has not been too often dwelt on: namely, 
his inertia, or indolence. Not being obliged to write, he could not bring 
himself to do what required an effort. The consciousness of this defect
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxvi-1">Cf., for example, Mason's anecdote about unwittingly retarding 
<emph>The Progress of Poesy,</emph> <emph>Works,</emph> ed. Gosse, ii. 110, n. 1.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xxvi-2">Cf. <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. 44, 111, 203 f., 239, ii. 29, 143; 
<emph>Works,</emph> ed. Gosse, iii. 265, 369.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-xxvi-3">E. g., <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. 33, 351, ii. 81, 187, 205, 209, 
269; <emph>Works,</emph> ed. Gosse, iii. 170, 179, 258.</note>
<pb n="xxvii" xml:id="p1-xxvii"/>
was probably a chief cause of that despondency, or depression of spirits, of 
which he speaks many times, and which cannot have been entirely due to 
physical ill health.
</p><p>Finally, a lack of ambition doubtless combined with other circumstances 
to render Gray indifferent to fame. After all, Phoebus' reply to the shepherd 
friend of Lycidas was not exactly convincing. As he mused in the quiet 
churchyard, Gray thought how
<quote>
<lg><l>Some village-Hampden, that with dauntless breast</l>
<l rend="indent">The little tyrant of his fields withstood,</l>
<l>Some mute inglorious Milton here may rest,</l>
<l rend="indent">Some Cromwell guiltless of his country's blood;</l>
</lg></quote>
and then, as in the Mason MS., thus advised himself:
<quote>
<lg><l>No more, with Reason and thyself at strife,</l>
<l rend="indent">Give anxious cares and endless wishes room;</l>
<l>But thro' the cool sequester'd vale of life</l>
<l rend="indent">Pursue the silent tenour of thy doom.</l>
</lg></quote>
Gray's sense of humor prevented him from attaching too much importance to 
personal memorials. He was a spectator of life; he did not care to be a too 
active participant. He was content that the victors should have the spoils.
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">III. His Position in the Development of Criticism</head>
<p>The early years of the eighteenth century contributed little that was new 
or important to the science of literary criticism. In this field, at least, 
the first half of the century was in general an era of orthodoxy. In his 
interesting thesis<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxvii-1"/> on eighteenth century criticism, Paul
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxvii-1"><emph>Die Kritik in der englischen Literatur des 17. und 18. 
Jahrhunderts,</emph> Liége thèse, Leipzig, 1897, pp. 69 f.</note>
<pb n="xxviii" xml:id="p1-xxviii"/>
Hamelius has shown that in the seventeenth century there rose in England four 
schools of critics, — the Romantic, the Christian, the Neo-Classic, and 
the Rationalistic, — which by the end of the century had combined to 
form two schools. The first, the Romantic, with which the Christian combined, 
"auf den ästhetischen Grundlagen der Romantik eine christliche Literatur 
zu einrichten versuchte"; it was represented by Steele and to some extent by 
Addison and Dennis. The second, the Neo-Classic, with which the Rationalists 
arrayed themselves, agreed with the first school in regarding morality as the 
source and aim of all literary activity; but it "fasste die Moral nicht als 
ein Erzeugnis historischer Bedingungen oder innerer Seelenvorgänge, 
sondern als eine Schöpfung der Vernunft auf, welche nicht schöne 
Empfindungen, sondern eine nützliche Einrichtung des praktischen Lebens 
zum Zweck hat." Of this school, which held the supremacy for many years after 
the death of Dryden, the champions were Pope and Shaftesbury. It is not to be 
supposed, of course, that these schools were always sharply distinguished. All 
critics looked with reverence upon the critical work of Dryden, whom Johnson 
calls "the father of English criticism";<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxviii-1"/> and he may be ranged now on 
the one side, now on the other, though the general temper of his criticism is 
Romantic.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xxviii-2"/>
</p><p>The Neo-Classic creed, which had been gradually evolved in the course of 
the previous century,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-xxviii-3"/> was
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxviii-1"><emph>Lives of the Poets,</emph> ed. Hill, i. 410.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xxviii-2">Hamelius, p. 185.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-xxviii-3">Cf. F. E. Schelling, "Ben Jonson and the Classical School," <emph>Pub. 
M. L. Ass'n,</emph> xiii. 221-249.</note>
<pb n="xxix" xml:id="p1-xxix"/>
based upon the ancient critics, especially Aristotle and Horace, though they 
were frequently misunderstood or credited with views they never upheld. The 
tragic drama, properly unified with reference to time, place, and action, 
and the heroic poem, duly accredited with fable, epic unity, and machines for 
the intervention of gods, angels, and the like, became the supreme types or 
kinds of literature.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxix-1"/> Shakespeare and Milton, when they had the good 
fortune to please the critic, gave pleasure chiefly because they exemplified 
the precepts of the great Greek and Roman critics. But Shakespeare and Milton, 
it was thought, frequently violated the fundamental laws of art. According to 
Dennis, Shakespeare showed a want of art, and failed to mete out poetical 
justice.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xxix-2"/> For Addison, Shakespeare's style is often marred by "sounding 
phrases, hard metaphors, and forced expressions";<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-xxix-3"/> likewise Milton's 
language "is often too much labored, and sometimes obscured by old words, 
transpositions, and foreign idioms."<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="4" target="#fn-xxix-4"/> Swift was not alone in wanting 
to correct and fix the English tongue,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="5" target="#fn-xxix-5"/> so that an unalterable standard 
of Ciceronian eloquence for English might be established and maintained.
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxix-1">On tragedy, cf. <emph>The Spectator,</emph> Nos. 39, 40, 42, 44; on the 
epic, <emph>id.</emph> Nos. 267, 273, 291, 297, 315.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xxix-2">See <emph>On the Genius and Writings of Shakespear</emph> (1711), 
reprinted by D. Nichol Smith in his <emph>Eighteenth Century Essays on 
Shakespeare,</emph> 1903, pp. 24 ff.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-xxix-3"><emph>The Spectator,</emph> No. 39, April 14, 1711, quoted also by 
Saintsbury, <emph>A History of Criticism,</emph> ii. 441 f.</note>
<note place="foot" n="4" xml:id="fn-xxix-4"><emph>The Spectator,</emph> No. 297, Feb. 9, 1712.</note>
<note place="foot" n="5" xml:id="fn-xxix-5">See <emph>A Proposal for Correcting, Improving, and Ascertaining the 
English Tongue,</emph> 1712.</note>
<pb n="xxx" xml:id="p1-xxx"/>
Pope's celebrated <emph>Essay on Criticism</emph> (1711), as Saintsbury has 
said,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxx-1"/> is little more than an echo of Horace, Boileau, and Vida. Pope 
counseled the writer to follow "Nature," but it was a Nature perfectly correct 
and proper according to the standards of the London critics. Just as Pope is 
the last great poet of the Neo-Classic school, so his criticism dominated the 
first decades of the eighteenth century, and summed up the leading ideas of 
the Neo-Classic creed. The watchword of this creed was correctness; its 
text-book, one might say, was Edward Bysshe's <emph>Art of English Poetry</emph> 
(1702), with its rigorous and business-like rules, ignoring (for example) or 
condemning dactylic movements altogether, and providing collections of 
"beauties" for imitation. Originality, inspiration, genius counted for little.
</p><p>But even before the eighteenth century began, the note of a revolt can be 
clearly heard. To this revolt Professor Saintsbury has given the suggestive 
name of "The Nemesis of Correctness." There is no apparent cessation of homage 
at the shrine of antiquity; but in the writings of Steele and Addison this 
worship of Aristotle and Quintilian is unconsciously tempered by good taste 
and a desire for freer and more general discussion of literary art. 
Non-classical works, such as the Bible and the early ballads, begin to be 
discussed and are discovered to have elements of beauty. Addison<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xxx-2"/> 
justifies the introduction of fairies and demons into poetry, even
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxx-1">Cf. his <emph>History of Criticism,</emph> ii. 455.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xxx-2">"The Fairy Way of Writing," <emph>The Spectator,</emph> No. 419, July 1, 
1712.</note>
<pb n="xxxi" xml:id="p1-xxxi"/>
though it violate the canons of "Nature methodized"; and ventures to approve 
of blank verse for epic poetry. In landscape, too, Nature, it is found, does 
not have to be much "helped and regulated," to give pleasure. Addison admires 
Versailles, but prefers Fontainebleau, "situated among rocks and woods, that 
give you a fine variety of savage prospects."<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxxi-1"/>
</p><p>At the time when Thomas Gray began to read poetry and criticism, the points 
of dispute between the two schools had become clearly formulated.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xxxi-2"/> The 
poet should follow Nature, indeed; but how should Nature be defined? Should 
imitation be confined to the ancients? What was the value of poetic justice? 
Was "the fairy way of writing" justifiable? Should tragedy and comedy be 
separated? Was the use of blank verse immoral? Could the lyric and epic 
styles be mixed? Such questions continued to be discussed throughout Gray's 
lifetime.
</p><p>In estimating Gray as a critic it must be borne in mind that he made no 
pretense to critical acumen. "You know I do not love, much less pique myself, 
on criticism," he writes to Mason, in January, 1758, "and think even a bad 
verse as good a thing or better than the best observation that ever was made 
upon it." His own critical utterances were all published posthumously, and 
much of the text in the present volume was doubtless written without thought 
of publication. If
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxxi-1"><emph>The Guardian,</emph> No. 101, July 7, 1713. But these "savage 
prospects" differ widely from those Addison saw in the Alps and the 
Apennines.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xxxi-2">The situation is well described by Hamelius, p. 140.</note>
<pb n="xxxii" xml:id="p1-xxxii"/>
his criticism is important, then, it is so in spite of any ambition cherished 
by its author, who would doubtless be greatly surprised if he could now 
return and learn of his reputation as a critic.
</p><p>Professor Phelps, in his <emph>Selections from Gray,</emph> p. xxii, says of 
him: "Beginning as a classicist and disciple of Dryden, he ended in 
thorough-going Romanticism." Phelps is probably thinking of Gray's poetry; 
some of his earlier pieces are certainly conventional enough in both style 
and thought. But his critical utterances at any time show little inclination 
toward the classical school. From the first we are aware of an independence 
of thought and tone and a freedom from conventional cant, which point toward 
the coming and early disappearance of the old standards of taste. From the 
first, his criticism was of the independent, Romantic order. He was only 
twenty-three when he wrote to West the celebrated passage referring to the 
Alps, "Not a precipice, not a torrent, not a cliff, but is pregnant with 
religion and poetry." At twenty-six we find him saying that "the language of 
the age is never the language of poetry; except among the French, whose verse, 
where the thought or image does not support it, differs in nothing from 
prose." Further on in the same letter he pays a tribute to the creative 
genius of Shakespeare and Milton, manifested in enriching our language with 
borrowed or coined words, and complains of the degeneracy of English. This is 
only another way of saying that the vocabulary of the Neo-Classic poets was 
worn out and could no longer stimulate the imagination or give pleasure. 
Gray, then, can
<pb n="xxxiii" xml:id="p1-xxxiii"/>
scarcely be said to have been, on principle, a classicist. Although some of 
his earlier verses conform to the conventional form,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxxiii-1"/> his sympathies 
were with the independents, who knew that poetic diction must grow and that 
poetic structure can no more be held in by rules than can a spring freshet.
</p><p>Gray is not one of those who have left a large body of criticism. He set 
down no elaborate theory of poetry or prose; he did not attempt to bring 
Aristotle or Horace "up to date." What he did was, in his letters, to express 
himself, often casually, and rarely at any length, about writers chiefly 
contemporary; and in his other pieces, to estimate men and movements — 
in literature, painting, architecture, theology, and so on — with the 
illuminating common sense of a trained and unbiased scholar. Probably his 
general cautiousness would have sufficed to prevent him from making many 
generalizations about our early literature; but it must also be remembered 
that much of this literature was not easily accessible, indeed, had not yet 
been printed, and that to obtain any wide acquaintance with it from 
manuscripts would at that time have been impossible. Now it happens that 
Gray was especially interested in this literature — in Lydgate, Gawin 
Douglas, Chaucer — and gave much time to these authors; with his own 
hand he copied <emph>The Palice of Honour</emph> entire.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xxxiii-2"/> Realizing
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxxiii-1">It may be noted that of his poems only the following employ the 
heroic couplet: <emph>The Alliance of Education and Government</emph>, 
1748; <emph>Epitaph on a Child</emph>, 1758; <emph>Comic Lines</emph>, 1768; 
<emph>Couplet about Birds</emph>; <emph>Tophet</emph>; — all the above 
being posthumously published; and the six passages translated from 
Statius, Tasso, and Propertius.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xxxiii-2">Gosse, <emph>Gray,</emph> p. 151.</note>
<pb n="xxxiv" xml:id="p1-xxxiv"/>
to some extent the vastness of the field, and feeling himself but a beginner 
and a pioneer, Gray, in his utterances on these writers and on subjects 
connected with them, speaks always with the air of a learner rather than with 
that of an expert or authority; and assuming this attitude<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxxiv-1"/> and thus 
teaching others to assume it was not the least of his services to literary
criticism.
</p><p>We must not, then, look upon Gray as a protagonist in the conflicts of 
criticism. Yet his chance remarks have a permanent value as coming from an 
ardent scholar and a sympathetic reader. His whole attitude toward letters 
served to emphasize the importance to criticism of a sound basis in 
scholarship and of openness of mind and heart. In general, Arnold's 
definition of criticism would have suited him; would that he had had more of 
Arnold's militant ardor in making known what he considered the best that had 
been thought and written!
</p><p>Gray holds a high place among the critics of his time partly because of 
his scholarship. Coming midway between Bentley and Porson (he was twenty-five 
when Bentley died and forty-three when Porson was born), he bridges the gap 
between these great lights of Trinity College; and what is more important, 
his deep interest in Greek studies may be said to herald the dawn of the 
modern study of Greek literature; with language studies for their own sake 
Gray was not especially concerned. The study of Greek was
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxxiv-1">Cf. Saintsbury, <emph>A History of Criticism,</emph> iii. 63.</note>
<pb n="xxxv" xml:id="p1-xxxv"/>
to do much to break down the narrow prejudices of the Neo-Classic creed; 
hence the importance of Gray's scholarly work and ambitions. His interest, 
too, in kindred studies — history and archeology, the Celtic and 
Scandinavian literatures — is significant of the growing desire to 
understand the past more fully, to sit at its feet and learn.
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">IV. His Qualifications as a Critic</head>
<p>Let us now see what were the qualities of Gray which fitted or unfitted 
him for the tasks of criticism. We have long heard that the fundamental 
quality of the true critic is that he is wholly disinterested, has no ax to 
grind. Surely this was true of Gray. We never find him wedded to a theory; 
he is never blinded by the brilliance of a particular meteor or comet; he 
scans the heavens steadily; and the differing magnitudes of the stars are 
evident to him. He knows all the stars of the first magnitude — Homer, 
Dante, Chaucer, Shakespeare, Milton — though Homer and Milton, he 
thinks, have some high-sounding words that mean little. Lydgate is ranked 
far below his master Chaucer, but is not denied some important merits. If 
Gray gave the reins to his admiration of any one, it was Dryden, whose 
sanity and clearness of judgment appealed to Gray's kindred temperament; yet 
he writes to Mason (December 19, 1757) that Dryden's character disgraced the 
laureateship. Gray's dislike of Johnson is well known;<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxxv-1"/> we do not of 
course know when it began or whether he had
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxxv-1">Cf. Nicholls' <emph>Reminiscences,</emph> Gray's <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. 
Tovey, ii. 278.</note>
<pb n="xxxvi" xml:id="p1-xxxvi"/>
seen Johnson when in 1748 he praised <emph>London</emph> as "one of those few 
imitations that have all the ease and all the spirit of an original." Yet 
Johnson was now well known in London; and it seems probable that Gray knew 
him by sight. Yet in spite of this dislike<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxxvi-1"/> of "Ursa Major," Gray 
respected Johnson's understanding, "and still more his goodness of 
heart."<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xxxvi-2"/> These remarks do not imply that Gray was free from prejudices, 
or that he was more than human; what is meant is, that on important matters 
his prejudices did not bias him unduly. Aversion to Voltaire's moral 
character, Nicholls says, did not prevent Gray "from paying the full tribute 
of admiration due to his genius. He was delighted with his pleasantry; 
approved his historical compositions, particularly his <emph>Essai sur 
l'histoire universelle</emph>; and placed his tragedies next in rank to those 
of Shakespeare."<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-xxxvi-3"/>
</p><p>Next in the category of Gray's critical virtues may be mentioned his 
broad and sound scholarship. If not the most learned man of his day, he was 
easily in the front rank of eighteenth century savants. His reading included 
virtually the whole range of Greek and Roman authors and all that was best 
in French, Italian, and English literature. Of German belles-lettres, like 
other Englishmen of his day, he knew little or nothing; but he knew something 
of Scaliger,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="4" target="#fn-xxxvi-4"/> and being
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxxvi-1">Cf. Horace Walpole's dislike of Johnson, frequently asserted, and 
with much greater violence.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xxxvi-2">Nicholls, <emph>Reminiscences.</emph></note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-xxxvi-3"><emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, ii. 278. See also 230 5 and the note.  
Cf. also his remark about Boswell, <emph>id.</emph> p. 287.</note>
<note place="foot" n="4" xml:id="fn-xxxvi-4">Letter to West, May 8, 1742, ed. Tovey, i. 102.</note>
<pb n="xxxvii" xml:id="p1-xxxvii"/>
familiar with the best German editions of the classics,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxxvii-1"/> he was 
cognizant of German ideals of scholarship. Nor was his reading limited to 
literature alone. He read works on history, architecture, archeology, 
painting,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xxxvii-2"/> theology,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-xxxvii-3"/> philology, botany,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="4" target="#fn-xxxvii-4"/>
medicine,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="5" target="#fn-xxxvii-5"/> and travel.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="6" target="#fn-xxxvii-6"/> His mind was thus not merely filled 
with that broad information necessary for criticism of any real worth, but 
was also trained in critical judgment. As his numerous annotations indicate, 
he was a careful and observant reader.
</p><p>Moreover, it may be said that Gray possessed a well developed sense of 
humor. A person thus gifted is likely to see life in its true proportions. 
Gray's own humor is usually, though not always, of the genial, kindly sort 
which leaves no sting. Cambridge was for him at twenty, and we may suppose 
continued to be, the place, formerly known by the name of Babylon, of which 
"the prophet spoke when he said, 'The wild beasts of the desert shall dwell 
there and their houses shall be full of doleful creatures,' " etc.;<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="7" target="#fn-xxxvii-7"/> 
but he always took a good-natured interest in its petty squabbles — 
and especially
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxxvii-1">Letter to Wharton, September 11, 1746, ed. of Tovey, i. 140 ff. </note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xxxvii-2"><emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, ii. 286.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-xxxvii-3"><emph>Id.,</emph> i. 213, 330, ii. 282; and cf. the<emph>Essay on the 
Philosophy of Bolingbroke.</emph></note>
<note place="foot" n="4" xml:id="fn-xxxvii-4"><emph>Works,</emph> ed. Gosse, iii. 352; cf. also his annotation of 
Linnaeus.</note>
<note place="foot" n="5" xml:id="fn-xxxvii-5">"You do not mention Gray's study of physic, of which he had read 
much, and I doubt to his hurt." Walpole, letter to Mason, April 3, 
1775, in his <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Mrs. Toynbee, ix. 175.</note>
<note place="foot" n="6" xml:id="fn-xxxvii-6"><emph>Works,</emph> ed. Gosse, iii. 311, 344; Gosse, <emph>Gray,</emph> pp. 
204 f.</note>
<note place="foot" n="7" xml:id="fn-xxxvii-7">Letter to West, December, 1736.</note>
<pb n="xxxviii" xml:id="p1-xxxviii"/>
in the fortunes of "the high and mighty Prince Roger, surnamed the Long, Lord 
of the great Zodiac, the glass Uranium and the chariot that goes without 
horses," and a few similar "characters." Now and then he is more sarcastic, 
as when he translated <emph>Non magna loquimur, sed vivimus,</emph> the motto for 
Dr. Plumptre's picture, by the words, "we don't say much, but we hold good 
livings."<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xxxviii-1"/> It shocks us when he speaks of his aged aunt as "an old 
Harridan, who is the Spawn of Cerberus and the Dragon of Wantley";<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xxxviii-2"/> 
but we do not know his provocation. For Mason, the voluminous writer of 
fourth-rate poems and dramas, he has the expressive nickname of
"Scroddles."<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-xxxviii-3"/> Although he wrote to Mason long criticisms of
<emph>Elfrida</emph> and <emph>Caractacus,</emph> he did not take Mason's effusions 
too seriously.
</p><p>Finally, among the qualities that made Gray a critic was his sympathy. He 
saw another man's point of view and gave due weight to the inherited 
tendencies and prejudices which determined it. This is evident not so much 
from specific utterances as from the general tone of his writing and 
conversation. It was sympathy which led him to devote so much attention to 
the productions of Mason. It was this same quality which, in spite of his 
reserve of manner, brought him the devoted friendship of his little circle 
of intimates — Wharton, Chute, Stonehewer, Brown, and others.
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xxxviii-1"><emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, ii. 109.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xxxviii-2"><emph>Id.,</emph> pp. 58 f.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-xxxviii-3">This seems to occur first in the letter of 1756, ed. Tovey, i. 298 ff.</note>
<pb n="xxxix" xml:id="p1-xxxix"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">V. His Critical Works</head>
<p rend="center"><emph>Phaedo</emph></p>
<p>As we have seen, for several years after taking his degree in civil law, 
Gray read deeply and systematically in Greek literature. The notes which he 
made on Aristophanes and Plato were printed by Mathias in 1814 from 
manuscripts formerly in the possession of Richard Stonehewer, and by Gosse 
in 1884 (Gray's <emph>Works,</emph> iv. 1-338). Gosse says they had never been 
reprinted; he was unaware of the fact that a large selection of the notes on 
Plato was reprinted, with Mathias' introduction, in George Burges' translation 
of Plato, vi. 405-506, in 1854 (London, Bohn).
</p><p>It is no disparagement of these notes to say that they contain little or 
no criticism of the two Greek authors. Criticism was not Gray's purpose. What 
he sought to do was to furnish such analyses of plots and stories, and such 
explanatory notes and comments, as would enable a student to read the original 
text with understanding. In the state of Greek scholarship in Gray's time, 
such work was vastly more useful than criticism would have been; for 
criticism read before the student has some independent knowledge of the 
original is, for the purpose of sound scholarship, of little worth.
</p><p>As a specimen of Gray's remarks on Plato I have reprinted the section 
dealing with the <emph>Phaedo,</emph> since this, perhaps more than any other 
section of Gray's notes, combines anaylsis of some important matters with a 
measure of criticism.
<pb n="xl" xml:id="p1-xl"/>
The edition of Plato used by Gray, according to Mathias, was that of Henry 
Stephens, 1578, three volumes, folio. It is interesting to note that the list 
of ancient authors sent by Gray to Wharton on September 11, 1746<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xl-1"/> does 
not apparently include any edition of Plato. No doubt the omission was 
accidental.
</p><p>In his letter to Wharton on the same date, Gray remarks: "The best Editions 
of ancient authors should be the first things, I reckon, in a library." With 
propriety, then, this short extract from Gray's commentaries on the ancients 
may head the list of selections in this volume.
</p><p rend="center"><emph>Essay on the Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke</emph></p>
<p>The <emph>Essay on the Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke</emph> is Gray's only 
published venture in theological controversy. It was probably written soon 
after the appearance of Lord Bolingbroke's works, edited by David
Mallet,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xl-2"/> and was published by Mason in 
<ref target="/cgi-bin/view.cgi?collection=primary&amp;edition=1775">1775</ref>. The particular passages 
against which Gray directed his attack are to be found in the
<emph>Philosophical Works,</emph> iv, sections 40, 41, 50.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-xl-3"/> Bolingbroke 
asserts that the chain of reasoning by which, from a knowledge of the 
phenomena, we arrive at a knowledge of God has never been broken. The ancients 
recognized a supreme God <emph>a posteriori;</emph> but there were some in ancient 
as in modern times who <emph>a priori</emph> made God after their own image.
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xl-1"><emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, i. 140-143.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xl-2">Published March 6, 1754; cf. Boswell's <emph>Johnson,</emph> ed. Hill,
i. 268 f.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-xl-3">In the London edition of 1809, viii. 143-164, 226-239.</note>
<pb n="xli" xml:id="p1-xli"/>
For such, God is only an infinite man. Among the most positive on this matter 
is Dr. Clarke. Bolingbroke then controverts Clarke's view that all the moral 
attributes are the same in God as in ourselves. Everything shows the wisdom 
and power of God conformably to our ideas; but everything does not, he holds, 
likewise show God's justice and goodness. These "artificial theology" has 
attempted to demonstrate. If God is good, the atheists have asked, how comes 
it that there is evil in the world? To answer this, the pagan theists absurdly 
supposed two co-existing principles; the modern theists fell back on the 
equally absurd story of the fall of man. . . . The defenders of this 
hypothesis, moreover, distort the moral attributes of God. Wollaston's 
exaggerations become burlesque. He unwarrantably exalts man above other 
animals. All animal and vegetable life is connected. The nature of every 
living creature is adapted to his condition and part in the action of the 
universe. Contrary to Wollaston's theory of universal misery, the general 
state of mankind is not only tolerable but happy. Whatever Wollaston's own 
circumstances may have been, any person offering to cut Wollaston's throat 
would have been ill received.
</p><p>Such, in substance, is Bolingbroke's thought. Gray, in reply, frankly 
admits that only <emph>a posteriori</emph> reasoning is valid, then proceeds to 
demonstrate that we can comprehend God's goodness <emph>a posteriori</emph> much 
more easily than His wisdom and power; and if there is no analogy between 
God's attributes and our conceptions of them, then we can have no adequate 
conception of
<pb n="xlii" xml:id="p1-xlii"/>
them at all. Gray's words are dignified, although he concludes with fine 
sarcasm.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xlii-1"/>
</p><p rend="center"><emph>Essay on Norman Architecture</emph></p>
<p>This piece was first published by Mathias in 1814, under the too general 
title of <emph>Architectura Gothica.</emph> Mr. Gosse (<emph>Gray,</emph> p. 115,
<emph>Works,</emph> i. 294) has conjectured that it was written in 1754. There is 
nothing inconsistent with this date; and in its favor may be mentioned the 
fact, shown by his letters, that in this year Gray was especially interested 
in architectural matters.
</p><p>In his biography (p. 116), Mr. Gosse has spoken of Gray as "the first 
modern student of the history of architecture." As such, we must not expect 
too much from him. Some of his views are no longer held. His theory that the 
intersection of semicircular arches led to the building of pointed arches was 
long accepted; but it is now known that the pointed arch was in use in the 
East in the early Christian centuries; it was used in Egypt as early as 861; 
it may have been borrowed then through Sicily (which the Normans occupied 
from 1060 to 1194), or possibly have been reinvented independently. It begins 
to appear in England as early as the time of Henry II.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xlii-2"/>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xlii-1">Mr. Tovey prints this piece in the second volume of the
<emph>Letters,</emph> pp. 43-46, with interesting notes. Bolingbroke's 
"philosophy" is well summed up by Sir Leslie Stephen in his
<emph>English Thought in the Eighteenth Century,</emph> i. 177-184. 
For a summary of Wollaston, see the same, pp. 130-134; for Clarke, 
pp. 119-130.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xlii-2">Cf. Bond, <emph>Gothic Architecture in  England,</emph> pp. 262-266; 
[p. xliii] R. P. Spiers in <emph>Encyclopaedia Britannica,</emph> 10th 
ed., xxv. 608 f. (1902); Russell Sturgis, <emph>European Architecture, 
an Historical Study,</emph> pp. 181, 183, 192 ff. (1896); C. H. Moore, 
<emph>Development and Character of Gothic Architecture,</emph> 2d ed., p. 
62; F. M. Simpson, <emph>A History of Architectural Development,</emph> 
1909, ii. 10.</note>
<pb n="xliii" xml:id="p1-xliii"/>
Again, niches are scarcely among "the improvements of another age"; they 
occur as early as the eleventh century in the west front of Lincoln Cathedral; 
in the twelfth century at Barfreston; and in the thirteenth century at Wells, 
Salisbury, and Lichfield.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xliii-1"/> Gray, therefore, is in error in supposing 
them to be later than the Romanesque Period.
</p><p>With Gray's list of characteristics of the Norman style the general reader 
may conveniently compare the lists given by T. Roger Smith in his
<emph>Architecture, Gothic and Renaissance,</emph> New York and London, 1880, pp. 
23 f. Points characteristic of Romanesque and not referred to by Gray are the 
narrow windows, generally splayed only internally; the deeply recessed 
doorways; the massive square towers; and the wagon-headed or barrel vaulting. 
In Sturgis' <emph>Dictionary of Architecture and Building,</emph> iii. 330 (New 
York, 1902), Mr. R. Clipston Sturgis sums up the characteristics of English 
Romanesque as the great length of the nave, often six or seven times its span; 
the central tower; and the lack of ambition in scientific construction, which 
resulted in leaving the nave to be spanned with timber instead of being 
vaulted like the aisles.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xliii-2"/>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xliii-1">Cf. Bond, <emph>Gothic Architecture in England,</emph> pp. 84-87.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xliii-2">See also F. M. Simpson, <emph>A History of Architectural
Development,</emph> 1909, ii. 243 ff.; C. H. Moore, <emph>Development 
and Character of Gothic Architecture,</emph> 2d ed., 1899, pp. 191-236.</note>
<pb n="xliv" xml:id="p1-xliv"/>
In a short criticism quoted by Mr. Gosse (<emph>Works,</emph> i. 301 f.) Mr. Basil 
Champneys remarks that "Gray does not seem to have perceived that Romanesque, 
to be appreciated, must be looked at from the Gothic point of view. His 
criticisms are what we should expect to read from an exclusively Classical 
standpoint. He notices the clumsiness and want of studied proportion as a note 
of deterioration, and no doubt it was, but he appears also to take exception 
to the variety of detail, which gives the style its essentially Gothic 
character, and is to lovers of Gothic, its redeeming feature." This 
predilection for the classical styles was no doubt the result of Gray's 
general attachment to the classics, and should only remind us that fondness 
of genuine Gothic was not a characteristic of Gray's time. Altogether, in 
spite of the errors and shortcomings of Gray's paper, we can only marvel at 
its general breadth of view and exhibition of pure taste, and wish with Mr. 
Gosse that he had left more essays on architectural topics.
</p><p rend="center"><emph>Metrum</emph></p>
<p>The remarks on metre and rhyme, to which Gray gave this general title, as 
well as the remarks on the poetry of Lydgate which follow, were probably among 
the fruits of Gray's sojourn at the British Museum in 1759-1761. Mr. Gosse 
believes they were written in the winter of 1760 and the spring of 1761, but 
there is apparently no more warrant for this year than for the preceding year, 
1759-60. They were first printed by Mathias in 1814; the originals are 
preserved among the manuscripts of Pembroke College, Cambridge.
<pb n="xlv" xml:id="p1-xlv"/>
A reference to Gray's letter of April 15, 1770, to Thomas Warton will make it 
clear that these fragments were to have been parts of the <emph>History of
English Poetry</emph> which, unhappily, Gray never brought to completion. In the 
Preface to his <emph>History of English Poetry</emph> (1774), i. p. iv., Warton 
says:
</p><p>"A few years ago, Mr. Mason, with that liberality which ever accompanies 
true genius, gave me an authentic copy of Mr. Pope's scheme of a <emph>History
of English Poetry,</emph> in which our poets were classed under their supposed 
respective schools. The late lamented Mr. Gray had also projected a work of 
this kind, and translated some Runic odes for its illustration, now published: 
but soon relinquishing the prosecution of a design, which would have detained 
him from his own noble inventions, he most obligingly condescended to favour 
me with the substance of his plan, which I found to be that of Mr. Pope, 
considerably enlarged, extended, and improved."
</p><p>Warton goes on to say that he found he could not use their plan,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xlv-1"/> 
but adopted one which "exhibits without transposition the gradual improvements 
of our poetry, at the same time that it uniformly represents the progression 
of our language" (p. v.).
</p><p>In no other respect are Gray's views so much out of date as in respect to 
metre. He is totally wrong in his understanding of "riding rhyme," and 
Puttenham, whom he thinks mistaken, was probably right. Likewise, although 
his remark about "doggerel verse" is
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xlv-1">Gray's plan is preserved in his letter to Warton, <emph>Works,</emph> ed. 
Gosse, iii. 364 ff.</note>
<pb n="xlvi" xml:id="p1-xlvi"/>
true, that "it was consistent with the greatest exactness in the caesura and 
in the measure," still Puttenham is also right; for the writer of doggerel 
verse is tied only to the rules of rhyme, caesura, and number of accents, and 
it may be said that these are only the restrictions that belong to verse 
anyway. It is no reproach to Gray to say that his lists of poems in <emph>The
Measures of Verse</emph> are now wholly antiquated; for in his day the great 
bulk of English poetry prior to Shakespeare's time remained unprinted. The 
lists are indeed remarkable for containing as many titles as they do; and are 
significant as a landmark in the history of English scholarship. Gray knows 
little or nothing of the metre of Old English (a subject which still has its 
cruces), as it appears from his remarks on the metre of <emph>Piers the
Plowman,</emph> a modified form of Old English metre.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xlvi-1"/> As regards the 
origin of rhyme, it is now known, of course, to have come into the Romance 
languages from the Greek and Latin popular poetry of the classical and Middle 
Ages. Wilhelm Grimm, in his <emph>Zur Geschichte des Reims,</emph><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xlvi-2"/> 
collected many examples of rhyme, more or less perfect, from Lucretius, 
Catullus, Virgil, Horace, Tibullus, and other Latin poets. The Arabs can have 
had little to do with its introduction into French and English, since Germanic 
and French rhyme appeared before the Arabs entered into European
history.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-xlvi-3"/> Nor is it
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xlvi-1">"It is a sort of Indian Summer for the old Germanic metre." F. B. 
Gummere, <emph>Handbook of Poetics,</emph> 1890, p. 177.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xlvi-2"><emph>Abhandlungen der Königlichen Akademie der Wissenchaften zu 
Berlin,</emph> 1851, pp. 521-713, especially pp. 627 ff.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-xlvi-3">Cf. M. Kawczynski, <emph>Essai comparatif sur l'origine et l'histoire 
des rythmes,</emph> Paris, 1889, pp. 93 f.</note>
<pb n="xlvii" xml:id="p1-xlvii"/>
now thought likely that the Celts had much to do with it, though rhyme was a 
regular feature of early Irish and Welsh poetry.
</p><p>On the other hand, in some matters Gray showed remarkable insight. His view 
that the apparent inequalities of Chaucer's metre were due to the mistakes of 
scribes is borne out by our modern study of manuscripts. His remarks against 
Puttenham in regard to caesural freedom are sensible and are based on the 
right sort of reasoning. Finally, his general theory of the origin of rhyme 
among the common people, as far as it goes, may still pass as a fair statement 
of present-day views on the subject.
</p><p rend="center"><emph>On the Poems of John Lydgate</emph></p>
<p>Two things at once strike the reader of Gray's remarks on Lydgate: first, 
that he ranks Lydgate rather high, placing him in the class just below 
Chaucer, and above Gower and Hoccleve; and second, that his opinions of 
Lydgate as here expressed are based wholly on <emph>The Fall of Princes.</emph> As 
this work contains some 40,000 lines, however, if Gray read it through, he had 
some grounds on which to judge of the poet, even though Lydgate<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-xlvii-1"/> be the 
longest-winded of all medieval English poets. Gray's opinion of Lydgate is 
shared by many who have probably read more widely in Lydgate 's works than had 
Gray.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-xlvii-2"/>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-xlvii-1">See the note on p. 96 2.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-xlvii-2">Thus Dr. Schick, in his introduction to <emph>The Temple of Glas,</emph> 
p. clvi., says: "It certainly does not occur to me to claim for 
Lydgate a place in the realms of higher poetry; but I think we 
[p. xlviii] must allow that not infrequently do we meet in his better 
works, especially in those of his youth, with passages which breathe 
true poetry, or at all events, lie on the borderlands of true poetry. 
. . . Moreover, his love of Nature, his humour, his earnest piety, 
his admiration of his betters or of genius beyond his reach — 
always tendered ungrudgingly — the love of his country, his 
national pride, his high reverence for women, cannot fail to win our 
hearts."
<lb/>In <emph>English Writers,</emph> vi. 104 f. (1890), Henry Morley has 
this to say: "John Lydgate was a bright, pleasant, and earnest monk, 
who wrote clear, fluent verse in any style then reputable; but who was 
most apt at the telling of such moral stories as his public liked. 
Sometimes he was as prolix, and he always was as musical, as the old 
romancers who had been satirized by Chaucer in 'Sir Thopas'; but he 
preferred to take his heroes and heroines out of the Martyrology; and 
he could write cleverly to order, for the library of any monastery, 
the legend of its patron saint . . . John Lydgate was not a poet of 
great genius; but he was a man with music in his life. He was full of 
a harmony of something more than words, not more diffuse than his age 
liked him to be, and therefore, with good reason, popular and honoured 
among English readers in the fifteenth century."
<lb/>Finally, ten Brink (<emph>Geschichte der englischen Litteratur,</emph> 
Strassburg, 1893, ii. 231) thus expresses himself: "Lydgate hatte von 
Haus aus das Zeug zu einem tüchtigen Volksdichter: eine 
welt-freudige, epische Stimmung, eine männlich derbe Natur, 
welche zarteren Empfindungen keineswegs verschlossen war, einen klar 
und richtig beobachtenden Blick, einen entwickelten Sinn für 
Naturschönheit. Was ihm fehlte, war die bedeutende 
Originalität, der weite Gesichtskreis, die geistige Tiefe und 
Feinheit, die dem Kunstdichter unentbehrlich sind, soll er sich 
über das Mittelmass erheben."</note>
<pb n="xlviii" xml:id="p1-xlviii"/>
Gray's treatment of Lydgate's life is of course quite inadequate; doubtless he 
would have amplified it before he was satisfied with it. Yet it is to be noted 
that none of his dates needs to be changed to-day. At the time of writing, the 
facts of Lydgate's life did not interest
<pb n="xlix" xml:id="p1-xlix"/>
him; he hastened on to more important matters — Lydgate's knowledge of 
Latin, his "long processes," his facile rhymes, his ability to portray 
emotion, his satire on women and on monks. Gray's remarks on these topics are 
temperate and illuminating. So far as they go, in the main they have never 
been superseded, and there is nowhere to-day any better general estimate of 
Lydgate than that here furnished by the first modern student of the fifteenth 
century poet.
</p><p rend="center"><emph>Samuel Daniel</emph></p>
<p>The brief character sketch of the poet Daniel, like the observations on 
metre and on Lydgate, was intended to form a part of the projected <emph>History 
of English Poetry.</emph> It was first printed in <emph>The Athenaeum</emph> for 
July 29, 1854 (No. 1396, pp. 941 f.), a few days before the sale of the Penn 
collection of Gray MSS., of which it formed a part, and so far as I know has 
never been reprinted. While somewhat sketchy and fragmentary in character, it 
nevertheless deserves to be incorporated into a collection of Gray's prose 
writings.
</p><p rend="center"><emph>The Letters</emph></p>
<p>Gray was a fairly industrious though by no means a voluminous
letter-writer. Of his letters some 375 have been published, which were 
written between 1736 and 1771. His chief correspondents were his mother 
(until her death in 1753 ), West (1736-42), Walpole (1736-68), Thomas 
Wharton (1740-71), John Chute (1741-62), Mason (1753-70), James Brown
<pb n="l" xml:id="p1-l"/>
(1757-70), and Nicholls (1764-71).<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-l-1"/> Of these the only one now 
remembered except for this connection with Gray is Walpole.
</p><p>This is not the place for a characterization of Gray's letters as a 
collection. All the qualities of the best letters are exhibited — ease, 
familiar playfulness, sympathy with the point of view of the correspondent, 
the charm of good breeding, perfect truthfulness, — and to do justice 
to them would require more space than can here be given. The reader may be 
referred to Mr. Tovey's excellent introductions.
</p><p>In this volume I have included from the letters a number of extracts 
pertaining mainly to literary criticism. Many of them, perhaps, are not to be 
taken too seriously, being merely off-hand first impressions. One of the most 
important letters, as Professor Saintsbury has pointed out, is the one<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-l-2"/> 
written to West in April, probably of 1742, in which Gray defends a cardinal 
principle of Romantic style: the principle of democratic freedom for the
poet. In another interesting letter to Walpole (1748), he reviews Dodsley's 
<emph>Miscellany,</emph> bestowing praise and blame with taste and judgment. 
Important, too, are the remarks on the Letters Prefixed to Mason's
<emph>Elfrida,</emph> in which he shows some of the limitations imposed by the 
presence of the chorus. Many illuminating comments are scattered throughout 
the criticisms of Mason's works, as,  for example,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-l-3"/>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-l-1">For interesting remarks on some of these men, see the introduction to 
the <emph>Letters,</emph> ed. Tovey, ii. pp. ix.-xxxv.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-l-2">See the text, <ref target="#p1-134">p. 134</ref>.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-l-3">See the text, <ref target="#p1-221">p. 221</ref> f.</note>
<pb n="li" xml:id="p1-li"/>
where Gray speaks, referring to Mador's song in <emph>Caractacus,</emph> of the 
difference between the lyric style and others, and explains why it cannot be 
long sustained. A number of letters touch on the Ossianic controversy, on 
which we find Gray with the will to believe, yet not blind to the evidence 
against the fragments. Notable, too, is his letter to Bonstetten in which he 
comments wisely on Plato's portrait of a philosopher. In its essential 
elements this portrait may well be applied to, and fairly describes, Gray 
himself. He too was gentle, magnanimous, temperate, generous, accustomed to 
large views of things. Other qualities he lacked of those necessary for "one 
who would govern the rest of mankind." But the noblest qualities of true 
manhood were generously meted out to him, and shine throughout his letters.
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">VI. Summary</head>
<p>We may, then, recapitulate thus the points emphasized in this introduction: 
Gray lived the life of a recluse and a scholar, caring little for society and 
less for domestic life; absorbed in his books; deeply interested in antiquity, 
yet not indifferent to the spectacle of contemporary activity; viewing this 
spectacle, however, without a desire to engage actively in its struggles; 
caring little for fame and much for virtue. The smallness of his literary 
product was due not to the frigid atmosphere of the time which some have 
thought prevented him from "speaking out," but to other causes, — lack 
of stimulus from his friends, the growing predominance of the scholarly 
temperament and inclination, his highly
<pb n="lii" xml:id="p1-lii"/>
critical and fastidious taste, his natural reticence, his indolence or 
aversion to active creative effort, and his lack of ambition. In criticism 
Gray ranged himself at the start with the Romanticists, and was never bound 
by tradition or undue veneration for authority. His critical prose is small 
in bulk but important and significant because of his attitude, that of the 
learner rather than the judge or arbiter, and because he possessed the 
qualities necessary for a great critic — disinterestedness, a sense of 
humor, sound learning, and sympathy. His critical utterances, though 
fragmentary, are always suggestive, and are among our valuable inheritances 
from the eighteenth century.
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">VII. Bibliographical Note</head>
<p>All of Gray's prose, we have seen, was published posthumously. The letters 
first appeared in the "Memoirs of His Life and Writings" prefixed by Mason to 
his edition of Gray's <ref target="/cgi-bin/view.cgi?collection=primary&amp;edition=1775"><emph>Poems</emph></ref>, York, 1775. 
The <emph>Observations on English Metre,</emph> the <emph>Notes on Aristophanes and 
Plato,</emph> and other prose fragments were first printed by Thomas J. Mathias 
in his edition of the <emph>Works,</emph> London, 1814. Gray's correspondence with 
Norton Nicholls was published by the Rev. John Mitford in 1843; his 
correspondence with Mason, by the same editor in 1853. The most recent edition 
of his complete works is that of Mr. Edmund Gosse (4 volumes, London, 1884, 
revised in 1902), which in matters of detail is somewhat inaccurate. A 
selection from Gray's poetry and prose, edited by Professor William L. 
Phelps and including valuable critical matter, was published
<pb n="liii" xml:id="p1-liii"/>
in Ginn's <emph>Athenaeum Press Series</emph> in 1894. Gray's <emph>Letters,</emph> 
admirably edited by Mr. Duncan C. Tovey, are now being published in three 
volumes in Bohn's Library (vol. i., 1900, vol. ii., 1904). Appended to 
volume ii. are Nicholls' <emph>Reminiscences of Gray,</emph> written in 1805. The 
fullest life of Gray, though very inaccurate, is that by Gosse (<emph>English 
Men of Letters Series,</emph> 1882, new edition, 1889). The most trustworthy 
account of his life is by the late Sir Leslie Stephen (<emph>Dictionary of 
National Biography,</emph> xxiii. 22-28, 1890). Valuable essays on Gray are by 
Matthew Arnold (in Ward's <emph>English Poets,</emph> London, 1880), Lowell 
(<emph>The New Princeton Review,</emph> i. 153-177, March, 1886, reprinted in his 
<emph>Latest Literary Essays,</emph> 1892), Tovey in <emph>Gray and His Friends</emph>
(Cambridge, 1890), T. H. Warren, "Gray and Dante" (<emph>The Monthly
Review,</emph> iii. 147-164, June, 1901, reprinted in his <emph>Essays of Poets 
and Poetry,</emph> 1909), and Thomas M. Parrott in his <emph>Studies of a
Book-Lover,</emph> 1904. A full bibliography of Gray by the editor of this 
volume will appear in <emph>The Journal of English and Germanic Philology.</emph>
<pb n="u1" xml:id="p1-u1"/>
</p><ab/>
</div></div><pb n="1" xml:id="p1-1" type="unnumbered"/>
<titlePage type="half"><docTitle><titlePart rend="center">Essays<lb/><lb/>and<lb/><lb/>Criticisms</titlePart></docTitle></titlePage>
<pb n="2" xml:id="p1-2" type="unnumbered"/>
<div type="implicit"><ab/></div></front><body>
<pb n="3" xml:id="p1-3" type="unnumbered"/>
<head rend="center">Essays and Criticisms</head>
<div type="section"><head rend="center">PHÆDO</head>
<p rend="center">Η, ΠΕΡΙ 
ΨϒΧΗΣ</p>
<p rend="center">(Plat. Op. Serrani. Vol. 1, p. 57.)</p>
<p>This famous dialogue was supposed by 
<anchor xml:id="an3_2"/><ref target="#n3_2">Panaetius</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-3-1"/> the
stoick, a great admirer of Plato, not to be genuine, or at least interpolated, 
rather, as it 
seems, from his own persuasion<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-3-2"/> of the soul's mortality, than from any 
thing in the piece itself unlike the manner or the tenets of the philosopher, 
to whom it has always been ascribed. The whole course of antiquity has 
regarded it as one of his principal works; and (what seems decisive)
Aristotle<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-3-3"/> himself cites it, as a work of his master.
</p><p>The historical part of it is admirable, and, though written and disposed 
with all the art and management of the best tragick writer, (for the slightest 
circumstance in it wants not its force and meaning) it exhibits nothing to the 
eye but
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-3-1">Anthologia, l. 1, 44.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-3-2">Cicero, Tusc. Quaest. l. 1, 32.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-3-3">Meteorolog. l. 2, 2.</note>
<pb n="4" xml:id="p1-4"/>
the noble simplicity of nature. Every intelligent reader will feel what those 
who were eye-witnesses are said to have felt, namely, <anchor xml:id="an4_3"/><ref target="#n4_3">[Greek (omitted)]</ref>.  
The innocence, the humanity, the cheerfulness, and the unaffected intrepidity 
of Socrates, will draw some tears from him (as it did many from them) as for 
the loss of a father; and will, at the same time, better than any arguments, 
shew him a soul, which, if it were not so, at least deserved to be immortal.
</p><p>The reasoning part is far inferior, sometimes weak, sometimes false, too 
obscure, too abstracted, to convince us of any thing; yet with a mixture of 
good sense and with many fine observations. The fabulous account of a future 
state is too particular and too fantastick an invention for Socrates to dwell 
upon at such a time, and has less decorum and propriety in it than the other 
parts of the dialogue.
</p><p>Socrates attempts in this dialogue to prove, that true philosophy is but a 
continual preparation for death; its daily study and practice being to wean 
and separate the body from the soul, whose pursuit of truth is perpetually 
stopped and impeded by the numerous avocations, the little pleasures, pains, 
and necessities of its companion. <emph>That,</emph> as death is but a transition 
from its opposite,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-4-1"/> 
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-4-1">[p. 5] This was an idea of Pythagoras. <anchor xml:id="an5_24"/><ref target="#n5_24">[Greek (omitted)]</ref> Diog.  
Laert. l. 8, s. 22.</note>
<pb n="5" xml:id="p1-5"/>
life (in the same manner as heat is from cold, weakness from strength, and all 
things, both in the natural and in the moral world, from their contraries) so 
life is only a transition from death; whence he would infer the probability 
of a metempsychosis. <emph>That,</emph> such propositions,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-5-2"/> as every one 
assents to at first, being self-evident, and no one giving any account how 
such parts of knowledge, on which the rest are founded, were originally 
conveyed to our mind, there must have been a pre-existent state, in which the 
soul was acquainted with these truths, which she recollects and assents to on 
their recurring to her in this life. <emph>That,</emph> as truth is eternal and 
immutable, and not visible to our senses but to the soul alone; and as the 
empire, which she exercises over the body, bears a resemblance to the power 
of the Divinity, it is probable that she, like her object, is everlasting and 
unchangeable, and, like the office she bears, something divine. <emph>That,</emph> 
it cannot be, as some have thought, merely a harmony resulting from a 
disposition of parts in the body, since it directs, commands, and restrains 
the functions
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-5-2">Socrates has explained the same doctrine in the Meno, p. 81, &amp;c. 
but rather as conjectural than demonstrable, for he adds, in the 
conclusion, p. 86. <anchor xml:id="an5_28"/><ref target="#n5_28">[Greek (omitted)]</ref> &amp;c. </note>
<pb n="6" xml:id="p1-6"/>
of that very body. <emph>That,</emph> the soul, being the cause of life to the 
body, can never itself be susceptible of death; and <emph>that</emph> there will 
be a state of rewards and punishments, the scene of which he takes pains in 
describing, though he concludes, that no man can tell exactly where or what 
it shall be.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="an6_8"/><ref target="#n6_8">Dacier's</ref> superstition and
folly are so great in his notes on the Phaedo, 
that they are not worth dwelling upon.
<pb n="7" xml:id="p1-7" type="unnumbered"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">ESSAY ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF LORD BOLINGBROKE</head>
<p>I will allow <anchor xml:id="an7_1"/><ref target="#n7_1">Lord 
Bolingbroke</ref>, that the moral, as well as physical, 
attributes of God must be known to us only à posteriori, and that this 
is the only real knowledge we can have either of the one or the other; I will 
allow too that perhaps it may be an idle distinction which we make between 
them: His moral attributes being as much in his nature and essence as those 
we call his physical; but the occasion of our making some distinction is 
plainly this: His eternity, infinity, omniscience, and almighty power, are not 
what connect him, if I may so speak, with us his creatures. We adore him, not 
because he always did in every place, and always will, exist; but because he 
gave, and still preserves to us our own existence by an exertion of his 
goodness. We adore him, not because he knows and can do all things, but 
because he made us capable of knowing and of doing what may conduct us to 
happiness. It is therefore his benevolence which we adore, not his greatness 
or power; and if we are made only to bear our part in a system, without any 
regard to our own particular
<pb n="8" xml:id="p1-8"/>
happiness, we can no longer worship him as our all-bounteous parent. There is 
no meaning in the term. The idea of his malevolence (an impiety I tremble to 
write) must succeed. We have nothing left but our fears, and those too vain; 
for whither can they lead but to despair and the sad desire of annihilation? 
"If then, justice and goodness be not the same in God as in our ideas, we mean 
nothing when we say that God is necessarily just and good; and for the same 
reason it may as well be said that we know not what we mean when, according to 
<anchor xml:id="an8_13"/><ref target="#n8_13">Dr. Clarke</ref>, (<anchor xml:id="an8_13_2"/><ref target="#n8_13_2">Evid. 26th</ref>) 
we affirm that he is necessarily a wise and 
intelligent Being." What then can Lord Bolingbroke mean, when he says every 
thing shews the wisdom of God; and yet adds, every thing does not shew in like 
manner the goodness of God, conformably to our ideas of this attribute in 
either! By wisdom he must only mean, that God knows and employs the fittest 
means to a certain end, no matter what that end may be. This indeed is a proof 
of knowledge and intelligence; but these alone do not constitute wisdom; the 
word implies the application of these fittest means to the best and kindest 
end: or, who will call it true wisdom? Even amongst ourselves, it is not held 
as such. All the attributes then that he seems to think
<pb n="9" xml:id="p1-9"/>
apparent in the constitution of things, are his unity, infinity, eternity, and 
intelligence; from no one of which, I boldly affirm, can result any duty of 
gratitude or adoration incumbent on mankind, more than if He and all things 
round him were produced, as some have dared to think, by the necessary working 
of eternal matter in an infinite vacuum: for what does it avail to add 
intelligence to those other physical attributes, unless that intelligence be 
directed, not only to the good of the whole, but also to the good of every 
individual of which that whole is composed?
</p><p>It is therefore no impiety, but the direct contrary, to say that human 
justice and the other virtues, which are indeed only various applications of 
human benevolence, bear some resemblance to the moral attributes of the 
supreme Being. It is only by means of that resemblance, we conceive them in 
him, or their effects in his works. It is by the same means only, that we 
comprehend those physical attributes which his Lordship allows to be 
demonstrable. How can we form any notion of his unity, but from that unity of 
which we ourselves are conscious? How of his existence, but from our own 
consciousness of existing? How of his power, but of that power which we 
experience in ourselves?
<pb n="10" xml:id="p1-10"/>
Yet neither Lord Bolingbroke nor any other man, that thought on these
subjects, ever believed that these our ideas were real and full 
representations of these attributes in the Divinity. They say he knows; they 
do not mean that he compares ideas which he acquired from sensation, and draws 
conclusions from them. They say he acts; they do not mean by impulse, nor as 
the soul acts on an organized body. They say he is omnipotent and eternal; yet 
on what are their ideas founded, but on our own narrow conceptions of space 
and duration, prolonged beyond the bounds of place and time? Either, 
therefore, there is a resemblance and analogy (however imperfect and distant) 
between the attributes of the Divinity and our conceptions of them, or we 
cannot have any conceptions of them at all. He allows we ought to reason from 
earth, that we do know, to heaven which we do not know; how can we do so but 
by that affinity which appears between one and the other?
</p><p>In vain, then, does my Lord attempt to ridicule the warm but melancholy 
imagination of <anchor xml:id="an10_24"/><ref target="#n10_24">Mr. 
Wollaston</ref> in that fine soliloquy: "Must I then bid my last 
farewell to these walks when I close these lids, and yonder blue regions and 
all this scene darken upon me and go out? Must I then only serve to furnish 
dust to be
<pb n="11" xml:id="p1-11"/>
mingled with the ashes of these herds and plants, or with this dirt under my 
feet? Have I been set so far above them in life, only to be levelled with 
them in death?"<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-11-1"/> No thinking head, no heart, that has the least 
sensibility, but must have made the same reflection; or at least must feel, 
not the beauty alone, but the truth of it when he hears it from the mouth of 
another. Now what reply will Lord Bolingbroke make to these questions which 
are put to him, not only by Wollaston, but by all mankind? He will tell you, 
that we, that is, the animals, vegetables, stones, and <emph>other clods of
earth,</emph> are all connected in one immense design, that we are all Dramatis 
Personae, in different characters, and that we were not made for ourselves, 
but for the action: that it is foolish, presumptuous, impious, and profane to 
murmur against the Almighty Author of this drama, when we feel ourselves 
unavoidably unhappy. On the contrary, we ought to rest our head on the soft 
pillow of resignation, on the <anchor xml:id="an11_22"/><ref target="#n11_22">immovable</ref> rock of tranquillity; secure, that, 
if our pains and afflictions grow violent indeed, an immediate end will be 
put to our miserable being, and we shall be mingled with the dirt under our 
feet, a thing common to all the animal kind; and of which he who complains
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-11-1">Religion of Nature Delineated, sect. 9, p. 209, quarto.</note>
<pb n="12" xml:id="p1-12"/>
does not seem to have been set by his reason so far above them in life, as to 
deserve not to be mingled with them in death. Such is the consolation his 
philosophy gives us, and such the hope on which his tranquillity was founded.
<pb n="13" xml:id="p1-13" type="unnumbered"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">ESSAY ON NORMAN ARCHITECTURE</head>
<p>The <anchor xml:id="an13_1-1" n="an13_1"/><ref target="#n13_1">characteristics</ref> of
the old <anchor xml:id="an13_1-2" n="an13_1"/><ref target="#n13_1">Norman</ref> or (as <anchor xml:id="an13_2-1" n="an13_2"/><ref target="#n13_2">Sir Christopher Wren</ref> calls it)
the <anchor xml:id="an13_2-2" n="an13_2"/><ref target="#n13_2">Saxon</ref> Architecture,
are great solidity, heaviness, and rude simplicity, 
better adapted to castles, walls of cities, and other places of defence, than 
to the purposes of habitation, magnificence, or religious worship. It seems 
indeed to be copied from the Roman style in that degenerate state to which it 
was reduced under the later <anchor xml:id="an13_9"/><ref target="#n13_9">emperors</ref>;  for it seems but natural that the 
Franks<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-13-1"/> in Gaul, the Saxons in England, and other barbarous nations in 
the several countries which had made a part of the Roman empire (when they 
were once settled there, and found leisure to apply themselves to the arts of 
peace) should imitate those many monuments which were every where before their 
eyes, and especially (as they themselves were now become Christians) such as 
had been long consecrated to the uses of religion, and were filled with the 
miraculous relics and representations  of those  saints who were the
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-13-1">Including the <anchor xml:id="an13_22"/><ref target="#n13_22">Normans</ref>, who soon learned the language
and customs of the Franks.</note>
<pb n="14" xml:id="p1-14"/>
principal objects of their worship. It may be asked, why then did they not 
rather imitate the beautiful remains of a better age, of which many were then 
in being, as some of them exist to this day? I answer, because taste had 
nothing to do in their choice; because the fabrics erected in the time and 
for the purposes of Christianity had a nearer connection with their own faith; 
and lastly, because the artizans employed in them were probably their subjects 
and natives of the country, who received these arts by tradition from their 
fathers, and were unaccustomed to any other style of building.
</p><p>The particulars which distinguish <anchor xml:id="an14_15"/><ref target="#n14_15">this kind of architecture</ref>, which seems to 
have lasted in England from the time of the Conquest (if not earlier) to the 
beginning of Henry the Third's reign, that is, from A. D. 1066 to about 1216, 
are chiefly these.
</p><p><emph>First distinction.</emph> The <emph>semi-circular, or round-headed,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-14-1"/> 
arch,</emph> generally, if not always, used in the
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-14-1">I cannot absolutely affirm, that they never made use of the <emph>pointed 
arch,</emph> because the great western tower at Ely now rises upon four 
<emph>such</emph> arches; some of the ranges, too, which adorn the outside 
of this and of the Galilee adjoining, are of like form, and the grand 
arches in front under the middle tower of Peterborough are 
<emph>pointed:</emph> but yet I do suspect that all these were alterations 
and additions made in succeeding ages, which, I am persuaded, was a 
common practice with regard to windows, in order to let in more light, 
and [p. 15] also to take off from the plain and heavy appearance of 
those thick walls.</note>
<pb n="15" xml:id="p1-15"/>
three orders which commonly compose the nave, namely, the lower great one that 
opens to the side <anchor xml:id="an15_3"/><ref target="#n15_3">aisles</ref>;
the second, which runs in front of the two 
corridores over those aisles; and the uppermost, which forms a sort of arcade 
before the higher range of windows. The doors, the vault of the aisles, and 
even the windows, are in this form too, and the arch is usually wide beyond 
the just proportion of its height.
</p><p>The same arching is frequently used to cover the long vacancy of a dead 
wall, and forms an arcade adhering to it with tall clumsy<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-15-1"/> pillars and 
extraordinary narrow intercolumns; and for a like purpose they frequently 
employed a wider arch-work rising on short columns and interlaced, so that the 
curve of one arch intersecting that of its neighbour, their pillars or legs 
stand at only half the distance from each other that they otherwise would do. 
This, though only an ornament, might perhaps suggest the idea of building on 
<emph>pointed arches,</emph> afterwards in use, as the intersection of two 
circular ones produces the same effect to the eye.
</p><p><emph>Second distinction.</emph> The massy <emph>piers,</emph> or pillars,
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-15-1">They have no swell, nor gradual diminution, which seems to be the 
cause of this clumsy appearance; besides this, they stand too close 
together.</note>
<pb n="16" xml:id="p1-16"/>
either of an octagonal, round, or elliptical form, on which the arches rise. 
They are sometimes decagons, or duodecagons, or even a mixture of all these, 
without any correspondence or regularity at all, as in the choir at 
Peterborough: their height is generally far too short for their diameter, 
which gives them the appearance of great strength joined with heaviness. This 
latter fault seems to have struck even the eyes of that age itself, and, to 
conceal it, they added a flat pilaster on four sides of the pier, with a 
slender half-column projecting from it, or (to lighten it still more) covered 
the pier almost entirely with clustered pillars of small diameter, adhering to 
its surface, which in reality bear little or nothing of the weight, and serve 
merely for ornament. This latter had so good an effect, that it was adopted by 
all architects of succeeding times, and continued till the revival of the 
Greek and Roman style. There are very ancient examples of these cluster-piers 
to be seen, sometimes intermixed alternately with the plainer kind, as at 
Durham; sometimes interspersed among them, as it were by chance, as at 
Peterborough; and sometimes alone and unmixed, as in the views of <anchor xml:id="an16_26"/><ref target="#n16_26">old St. Paul's</ref>, and at Ely.
From the capital of the piers usually rises a half-column 
of but small diameter, which, passing between the arches of the two
<pb n="17" xml:id="p1-17"/>
upper orders in the nave or choir &amp;c., reaches quite up to the roof, and 
is a principal grace of these buildings.
</p><p>On the outside, as they have no buttresses, which were the invention of 
later ages, the walls are commonly adorned either with half-columns or with 
flat stripes of stone-work, resembling a plain pilaster, at regular distances.
</p><p><emph>Third distinction.</emph> The <emph>capitals</emph> of the piers and smaller 
columns have great variety in their forms; the square, the octagon, the 
cushioned, or swelling beneath, with four flat faces cut in a semicircle, the 
convex part downward, and sometimes adorned<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-17-1"/> with a mantling, or piece 
of drapery trussed like a festoon. Some of the large ones there are which, 
swelling like the last underneath, break above<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-17-2"/> into eight or sixteen 
angular projections, something like the rostra of an antique ship. Others are 
round, and decked with an awkward imitation<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-17-3"/> of acanthus leaves, 
curling at the point into a sort of volutes. These, and many other uncouth 
forms and inventions, may be seen in the arcade of the side aisles at 
Peterborough, where they have studied to vary all the capitals, as far as 
their art reached, and seem to have thought there was a beauty in this 
confusion:
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-17-1">As at Durham.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-17-2">In the choir at Peterborough.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-17-3">In the Prebend's narrow way, and the south transept at Ely.</note>
<pb n="18" xml:id="p1-18"/>
they are all in general too squat and too gross for the pillars which they 
are meant to adorn, not to mention the rudeness they have in common with every 
other member of these buildings, that required any sculpture or delicacy of 
workmanship.
</p><p><emph>Fourth distinction.</emph> The <emph>ceilings,</emph> at least in the wider 
and loftier parts, as of the nave, choir, and transepts, &amp;c. were usually, 
I imagine, only of timber, perhaps because they wanted the skill to vault with 
stone in these great intervals, though they practised it in the smaller. They 
are either entirely flat, as at Peterborough, or gabel-fashioned with rafters, 
as in the transepts at Ely, or coved with frame-work made of small scantlings 
of wood, and lying open to the leads, as in the nave of the same church.
</p><p><emph>Fifth distinction.</emph> The <emph>ornaments,</emph> which are chiefly 
mouldings in front of the arches, and fasciae or broad lists of carving, which 
run along the walls over them or beneath the windows, are without any
neatness, and full as clumsy as the capitals above mentioned; the most 
frequent of them is the <emph>zig-zag,</emph> or chevron-work. There are also 
<emph>billeted</emph>-moulding, the <emph>nail-head,</emph> as in the great tower at 
Hereford and in the pendents of arches in the nave of old St. Paul's, 
resembling the heads of large nails drove in at regular distances;
<pb n="19" xml:id="p1-19"/>
the <anchor xml:id="an19_1"/><ref target="#n19_1"><emph>nebule</emph></ref>,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-19-1"/> which I call by that name
from its likeness to a 
coat nebulé in heraldry; and the <emph>lozenge</emph> and <emph>triangle</emph> 
lattice-work. These, with the ranges of arch-work rising one over another, 
with which they decorated the fronts of buildings and the sides of their 
towers on the outside, are the principal inventions which they employed for 
ornament. As to statues,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-19-2"/> niches,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-19-3"/> canopies, finialls, and 
tracery, they were the improvements of another age.
</p><p>Such are the most obvious distinctions of this early style of building. An 
accurate inspection of those remains, which have their dates well ascertained, 
might possibly discover many other particulars, and also shew us the gradual 
advances of the art within the period which I have assigned; for it is not to 
be imagined that all the forms which I have described made their appearance 
at one and the same time, or that the buildings,
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-19-1">Under the highest range of windows on the outside of Peterborough 
Cathedral, and elsewhere.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-19-2">There may be some figures extant in England, in stone or wood, older 
than the period which I have here assigned, but they made no part of 
the architect's design, and even on sepulchral monuments are very 
rare; besides that their originality may well be disputed; for 
example, that of <anchor xml:id="an19_26"/><ref target="#n19_26">King Ethelbald</ref> on Crowland Bridge, of
<anchor xml:id="an19_27-1" n="an19_27"/><ref target="#n19_27">King Osric</ref> at  
Worcester, of <anchor xml:id="an19_27-2" n="an19_27"/><ref target="#n19_27">Robert
Courthose</ref> at Gloucester, &amp;c.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-19-3">These <emph>niches,</emph> when they had the figure of any saint in them, 
were called <emph>perks,</emph> whence comes our old phrase of being 
<emph>perked</emph> up, or exposed to public view.</note>
<pb n="20" xml:id="p1-20"/>
for example, in the first years of Henry the Second were exactly like those 
erected in the end of his reign. Any eye may perceive the difference between 
the body and aisles of the choir at Peterborough, with the east side of the 
transept, and the semicircular tribune which finishes the same choir, the 
two ends and west side of the transept, and the whole nave of the church: yet 
all these were built within the compass of <anchor xml:id="an20_10"/><ref target="#n20_10">five and thirty years</ref> by two successive abbots.
</p><p>Upon the whole, these huge structures claim not only the veneration due to 
their great antiquity, but (though far <anchor xml:id="an20_13"/><ref target="#n20_13">surpassed in beauty</ref> by the buildings of 
the three succeeding centuries) have really a rude kind of majesty, resulting 
from the loftiness of their naves, the gloom of their aisles, and the hugeness 
of their massive members, which seem calculated for a long duration.
<pb n="21" xml:id="p1-21" type="unnumbered"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center"><anchor xml:id="an21_0"/><ref target="#n21_0">OBSERVATIONS  ON  ENGLISH METRE</ref></head> 
<p>Though I would not with <anchor xml:id="an21_1"/><ref target="#n21_1">Mr. Urry</ref>,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-21-1"/> the Editor of Chaucer, insert 
words and syllables, unauthorized by the oldest manuscripts, to help out what 
seems lame and defective in the measure of our ancient writers, yet as I see 
those manuscripts, and the first<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-21-2"/> printed editions, so extremely 
inconstant in their manner of spelling one and the same word as to vary 
continually, and often in the compass of two lines, and seem to have no fixed 
orthography, I cannot help thinking it probable, that many <anchor xml:id="an21_11"/><ref target="#n21_11">great inequalities</ref> 
in the metre are owing to the neglect of transcribers, or that the manner of 
reading made up for the defects which appear in the writing. Thus the
<emph>y</emph> which we often see prefixed to participles passive, 
<emph>y</emph>cleped, <emph>y</emph>hewe, &amp;c. is not a mere arbitrary
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-21-1">See the Preface to Urry's Chaucer. Fol.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-21-2">This inconstancy of the manner of spelling one and the same word is 
not confined to the first printed copies, but is found equally in the 
MSS. themselves. This is no wonder, for the Italians themselves, 
contemporary with Chaucer, writing in an age when literature began to 
flourish, and in a language more regular and grammatical than that of 
any neighbouring country, had yet no fixed orthography, as appears 
from the original manuscripts of <anchor xml:id="an21_25-1" n="an21_25"/><ref target="#n21_25">Francesco Barberino</ref>, <anchor xml:id="an21_25-2" n="an21_25"/><ref target="#n21_25">Boccaccio</ref>, and 
Petrarch, which are still preserved. (See <anchor xml:id="an21_26"/><ref target="#n21_26">Crescimbeni</ref>, Comentarj, l. 6.)</note>
<pb n="22" xml:id="p1-22"/>
insertion to fill up the verse, but is the old Anglo-Saxon augment, <anchor xml:id="an22_2"/><ref target="#n22_2">always prefixed</ref> 
formerly to such participles, as <emph>ge</emph>lufod (loved) from lufian 
(to love), <emph>ge</emph>raed, from raedan (to read), &amp;c. which augment, as 
early as Edward the Confessor's time, began to be written with a <emph>y,</emph> 
or an <emph>i</emph>, as <emph>y</emph>lufod, <emph>i</emph>seld, for <emph>ge</emph>lufod, 
<emph>ge</emph>seld, (loved, sold,) as <anchor xml:id="an22_8"/><ref target="#n22_8">Dr. Hickes</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-22-1"/> informs us in his 
Anglo-Saxon Grammar, C. 22, p. 136. This syllable, though (I suppose) then out 
of use in common speech, our poets inserted, where it suited them, in verse. 
The same did they by the final syllable of verbs, as bren<emph>nin</emph>, 
correc<emph>tin</emph>, dron<emph>kin,</emph> &amp;c. (to burn, correct, drink,) 
which was also Saxon, all the infinitives in that tongue ending with an
<emph>an,</emph> or <emph>eon,</emph> as
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-22-1">And see <anchor xml:id="an22_16"/><ref target="#n22_16">Somner's</ref>
Saxon Dictionary in Ge. Chaucer seems to have been  
well aware of the injustice that his copyists might chance to do to 
him: he says, <anchor xml:id="an22_18"/><ref target="#n22_18">towards the end</ref> of his
Troilus,<quote><lg><l>"And for  
there is so great diversitie,</l><l>In English, and in writing of our 
tong;</l><l>So pray I to God, that none miswrite thee,</l><l>Ne thee 
mis-metre for defaut of tong</l><l>And redde where so thou be, or else 
song,</l><l>That thou be understond', God I beseech—"</l></lg></quote> 
Yet <anchor xml:id="an22_25"/><ref target="#n22_25">in another
place</ref> he says,<quote><lg><l>"But for the rime is light 
and lewde,</l><l>Yet make it somewhat agreeable</l><l>Though some verse 
fayle in a syllable."</l><l>           
(3d b. of Fame.)</l></lg></quote>And so says Lydgate of himself:
<quote><lg><l>"Because I know the verse therein is wrong,</l><l>As being 
some too short, and some too long."</l></lg><bibl rend="indent2">
    (<anchor xml:id="an22_33"/><ref target="#n22_33">Chronicle of Troye</ref>, p. 316.)</bibl></quote></note>
<pb n="23" xml:id="p1-23"/>
<emph>bebyrige</emph>an, to bury, <emph>mag</emph>an, to be able, <emph>gefe</emph>on, to 
rejoice, and most of the participles passive, and the plural persons 
terminating with the same letter, as, <emph>gefund</emph>en, found,
<emph>beswung</emph>en, beaten, &amp;c.; and <emph>we, ge, hi, miht</emph>on, (we, he, 
they, might), we <emph>wold</emph>on, we would; we <emph>sceold</emph>on, we should; 
we <emph>ar</emph>on, we are, &amp;c. This termination began to be omitted after 
the Danes were settled among us; for in the <anchor xml:id="an23_9"/><ref target="#n23_9">Cimbrick tongue</ref> the verbs usually  
finished in <emph>a,</emph> as <emph>greip</emph>a, to gripe, <emph>hab</emph>a, to have, 
which in the Saxon were <anchor xml:id="an23_11"/><ref target="#n23_11"><emph>greip</emph>an</ref>, <emph>hab</emph>an; the transition
is very apparent thence to the English which we now speak. As then our
writers<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-23-1"/> inserted
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-23-1">The same thing is observable in the MSS. and first editions of the 
Italian Poets. Even in Dante's and in Petrarch's time, as,<quote>
<lg><l>"Nello stato primaio non si rinselva."</l></lg><bibl>       
Purgatorio, c. 14, v. 66.</bibl></quote>And,<quote>
<lg><l>"Ecco Cin da Pistoia, Guitton d' Arezzo."</l></lg><bibl>       
Trionfo dell' Amore, capit. 4, v. 32.</bibl></quote>
In both which verses there is a syllable too much, on which 
Crescimbeni observes, "Costumavano gli antichi rimatori, ogni volta 
che in fin d' una voce s' incontrava la vocale <emph>i</emph> tra due 
altri vocali, troncar la voce, e pronunziarla fino alla sillaba 
accentuata acutamente, benchè la voce ad arbitrio la
scrivessero or tronca con l'apostrofe, ed ora intera." (Istor: della 
Volg: Poesia, l. 1, p. 9.) And one would think that they occasionally 
practised the same thing in syllables not consisting of a vowel only, 
by that verse of an ancient poet, which he cites,<quote>
"Tu sei quel arma<emph>tura</emph>, per cui vencimmo,"</quote> where 
in reading they probably sunk the last syllable of <emph>armatura,</emph> 
because the accent did not fall upon it. This might less offend them, 
because their ears were so used to the Provençal dialect, in 
which abundance of words are the same with the Italian, were not the 
last [p. 24] syllable cut off, as pie<emph>tat</emph> for
pie<emph>tate,</emph> seq<emph>uent</emph> for seguente, pode<emph>ruz</emph> for 
pode<emph>roso,</emph> <emph>fach</emph> for fatto, &amp;c. and doubtless from 
that language the Italians borrowed their custom of sinking the vowel 
in the end of many words at pleasure, when the next begins with a 
consonant, which they now do in prose, as well as in verse.</note>
<pb n="24" xml:id="p1-24"/>
these initial and final letters, or omitted them; and, where we see them 
written, we do not doubt that they were meant to fill up the measure; it 
follows, that these Poets had an ear not insensible to defects in metre; and 
where the verse seems to halt, it is very probably occasioned by the 
transcriber's neglect, who, seeing a word spelt differently from the manner 
then customary, changed or omitted a few letters without reflecting on the 
injury done to the measure. The case is the same with the genitive case 
singular and the nominative plural of many nouns, which by the Saxon 
inflection had an additional syllable, as <emph>word,</emph> a word,
<anchor xml:id="an24_14"/><ref target="#n24_14"><emph>wordis</emph></ref>, of a
word: <emph>smith,</emph> a smith, <emph>smithis,</emph> of a 
smith, <emph>smithas,</emph> smiths, which, as Hickes observes, is the origin of 
the formation of those cases in our present tongue; but we now have reduced 
them, by our pronunciation, to an equal number of syllables with their 
nominatives singular. This was commonly done too, I imagine, in Chaucer's and 
Lydgate's time; but, in verse, they took the liberty either to follow the old 
language in pronouncing the final syllable, or to sink the vowel and abridge 
it, as was usual, according to the necessity of their versification.
<pb n="25" xml:id="p1-25"/>
For example, they would read either vīŏlēttĕs with 
four syllables, or violets with three; ban<emph>kis</emph>, or banks; 
triūmphys, or triūmphs, indifferently. I have mentioned (in some 
remarks on the verses of Lydgate) the <emph>e</emph> mute, and their use of it in 
words derived from the French, and I imagine that they did the same in many 
words of true English origin, which the Danes had before robbed of their final 
consonant, writing <emph>bute</emph> for the Saxon <emph>butan</emph> (without), 
<emph>bifora</emph> for <emph>biforan</emph> (before), <emph>ondrede</emph> for
<emph>ondreadan</emph> (to dread), <emph>gebringe</emph> for <emph>gebringan</emph> (to 
bring), <emph>doeme</emph> for <emph>deman</emph> (to deem), and abundance of other 
words. Here we may easily conceive, that though the <emph>n</emph> was taken away, 
yet the <emph>e</emph> continued to be pronounced faintly, and though in time it 
was quite dropped in conversation, yet when the poet thought fit to make a 
syllable of it, it no more offended their ears than it now offends those of a 
Frenchman to hear it so pronounced, in verse.
</p><p>Puttenham, in his <anchor xml:id="an25_21"/><ref target="#n25_21">Art of
Poetry</ref>, addressed to Queen Elizabeth in 1587, 
tells us, l. 2, c. 4, that <anchor xml:id="an25_23"/><ref target="#n25_23">"Chaucer, Lydgate</ref>, and others used
<emph>Cesures</emph> 
either very seldom, or not at all, or else very licentiously; and many times 
made their meetres (they called them <anchor xml:id="an25_26"/><ref target="#n25_26"><emph>riding Rhyme</emph></ref>) of such unshapely 
words as would allow no convenient cesure; and therefore did let their rymes 
run out at
<pb n="26" xml:id="p1-26"/>
length, and never staid till they came to the end; which manner, though it 
were not to be misliked in some sort of meetre, yet in every long verse the 
cesure ought to be kept precisely, if it were but to serve as a law to correct 
the licentiousness of Rymers. Besides that it pleaseth the eare better, and 
sheweth more cunning in the maker by following the rule of his restraint, for 
a Rymer that will be tied by no rules at all, but range as he list, may utter 
what he will; but such manner of Poesy is called in our Vulgar,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-26-1"/>
<anchor xml:id="an26_11"/><ref target="#n26_11"><emph>'Ryme Dogrell,'</emph></ref> 
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-26-1">It appears from <anchor xml:id="an26_12"/><ref target="#n26_12">Alderman Fabian's</ref> Prologue to the second
volume of his 
Chronicle, written in Henry the Seventh's reign, that the free verse, 
where no exact number of syllables was observed, was then called
<emph>doggrell.</emph> Thus,<quote><lg><l>"Now would I fayne</l><l>In wordes 
plaine</l><l>Some honour sayne,</l><l rend="indent">And bring to mynde</l> 
<l>Of that aunciente citye,</l><l>That so goodly is to se,</l><l>And full trewe 
ever hath be,</l><l rend="indent">And also full kynde, &amp;c.</l></lg>
<lg><l>For though I shuld all day tell,</l><l>Or that with my <emph>ryme
dogerell</emph></l><l>Myght I not yet halfe do spell</l><l rend="indent">This 
townes great honour, &amp;c.</l></lg><lg><l rend="indent3">
To the Reader.</l><l>Whoso hym liketh these versys to rede,</l><l>Wyth 
favour I pray he wyll theym spell,</l><l>Let not the rudeness of them hym 
lede</l><l>For to desprave this <emph>ryme dogerell,</emph>" &amp;c.</l></lg></quote></note>
<pb n="27" xml:id="p1-27"/>
with which rebuke we will that in no case our Maker shall be touched."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="an27_3"/><ref target="#n27_3">Then Puttenham</ref> gives
rules for the Cesura, which he tells us, "In a verse 
of twelve syllables should always divide it exactly <anchor xml:id="an27_5"/><ref target="#n27_5">in the middle</ref>; in one of 
ten, it should fall on the fourth, in one of eight on the same, in one of 
seven on the same, or on none at all," &amp;c. I mention no<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-27-1"/> more than 
these, as they are now the only measures admitted into our serious poetry, and 
I shall consider how his rules hold in modern practice.
</p><p>Alexandrines,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-27-2"/> or verses of twelve syllables, it is true, though 
Spenser sometimes does otherwise, must, if they would strike the ear
agreeably, have their pause in the middle, as,<quote>
And after toilsome days | a soft repose at night.</quote>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-27-1">Lines of six, five, or four syllables are intermixed in lyric 
compositions, but, as Puttenham says, "they need no cesure, because 
the breath asketh no relief."</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-27-2">Puttenham says, "The Alexandrine is with our modern rhymers most
usual, with the auncyent makers it was not so. For before Sir Thomas 
Wyatt's time they were not used in our vulgar: they be for grave and 
stately matters fitter, than for any other ditty <anchor xml:id="an27_24"/><ref target="#n27_24">of
pleasure</ref>.—If  
the cesure be just in the middle, and that ye suffer the verse to run 
at full length, and do not (as common rimers do, or their printer, for 
sparing of paper) cut them off in the middest, wherein they make
in two verses but halfe rime, they do very wel." Art of Poesie,
l. ii. c. 3. — The poets of Henry the Eighth's time mixed it 
with the line of fourteen syllables alternately, which is so tiresome, 
that we have long since quite banished it. Thus many things of Wyatt's 
and Lord Surrey's are written, and those of Queen Elizabeth on the 
Queen of Scots.</note>
<pb n="28" xml:id="p1-28"/>
Or,<quote>He both her warlike Lords | outshined in Helen's
eyes.</quote> And this uniformity in the cesura is just the reason why 
we no longer use them but just to finish a lyric stanza: they are also 
sometimes interspersed arbitrarily among verses of ten syllables. This is an 
odd custom, but it is confirmed by the sanction which Dryden and Pope have 
given to it, for they soon tire the ear with this sameness of sound; and the 
French seem to have judged ill in making them their heroic<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-28-1"/> measure.
</p><p>Verses of <emph>eight</emph> syllables are so far from being obliged to have 
their cesura on the fourth, that Milton, the best example of an exquisite ear 
that I can produce, varies it continually, as,
<table style="width: 80%"><row><cell style="width: 50%">To live with her, | and live with thee<lb/> 
In unreproved | pleasures free<lb/>
To hear the lark | begin his flight<lb/>
And singing | startle the dūll night</cell><cell style="width: 30%">
On the 4th.<lb/>
——— 5th.<lb/>
——— 4th.<lb/>
——— 3d.</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-28-1">They were not so till towards the end of the sixteenth century. "Quant 
aux vers de <emph>douze</emph> syllabes, que nous appellons Alexandrins, 
combien qu'ils proviennent d'une longue ancienneté, toutefois 
nous en avions perdu l'usage. Car, lorsque Marot insère 
quelques uns dedans ses Epigrammes ou Tombeaux, c'est avec cette 
suscription, Vers Alexandrins; comme si c'étoit chose nouvelle 
et inaccoustumée d'en user.—Le premier des nôtres, 
qui les mit en credit, fut Baïf en ses Amours de Francine, suivy 
depuis par Du Bellay au livre de ses Regrets, et par Ronsard en ses 
Hymnes, et finalement par Du Bartas, qui semble vouloir renvier sur 
tous les autres en ses deux Semaines." (See Pasquier, l. vii. c. 8 and 
11.) Yet Ronsard, in his Art of Poetry, continues to call the 
Decasyllabic measure only <emph>Heroic Verse,</emph> and uses it in his 
Franciade and other long compositions.</note>
<pb n="29" xml:id="p1-29"/>
<table style="width: 80%"><row><cell style="width: 50%">
Whēre thĕ grēat sūn | bĕgīns hĭs stāte<lb/>
The clouds | in thousand liveries dight<lb/> 
With masque | and antique pageantry</cell><cell style="width: 30%">
——— 4th.<lb/>
——— 2d.<lb/>
——— 2d.</cell></row></table>
The more we attend to the composition of Milton's harmony, the more we 
shall be sensible how he loved to vary<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-29-1"/> his pauses, his measures, and 
his feet, which gives that enchanting air of freedom and wildness to his 
versification, unconfined by any rules but those which his own feeling and the 
nature of his subject demanded. Thus he mixes the line of eight syllables with 
that of seven, the Trochee and the Spondee with the Iambic foot, and the 
single rhyme with the double. He changes the cesura as frequently in the 
heptasyllabic measure, as,
<table style="width: 80%"><row><cell style="width: 50%">
Oft ŏn ă plāt | of rising ground   (Octosyll.)<lb/>
I hear | the far-off curfew sound,   (Oct:—)<lb/> 
Ovĕr sōme | wide-water'd shore <lb/>
Swinging slow | with sullen roar: <lb/>
Or if the air | will not permit, &amp;c.   (Oct:—)<lb/>
Far from all resort | of mirth <lb/>
Save the cricket | on the hearth <lb/>
Or the bellman's | drowsy charm</cell><cell style="width: 30%">
<lb/>On the 2d.<lb/>
——— 3d.<lb/>
——— 3d.<lb/>
——— 4th.<lb/>
——— 5th.<lb/>
——— 4th.<lb/>
——— 4th.</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-29-1">Lord Surrey (who was Puttenham's example for sweetness and proportion 
of metre) generally, though not always, makes his Caesura on the 
fourth; as,<quote><lg><l>"True wisdom join'd | with simpleness,</l>
<l>The night | discharged of all care,         
On the 2nd.</l><l>Where wine the wit | may not oppresse</l><l>The faithful 
wife | without debate,</l><l>Such slepes | as may beguile the night,</l>
<l>Content thyself | with thine estate,</l><l>Ne wish for death, | ne feare 
his might."</l></lg></quote></note>
<pb n="30" xml:id="p1-30"/>
But the greatest confinement which Puttenham would lay on our verse is that 
of making the Caesura constantly fall on the fourth syllable of our 
decasyllabic measure, which is now become our only heroic<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-30-1"/> metre for 
all poems of any length. This restraint Wyatt and Lord Surrey submitted to, 
though here and there you find an instance of their breaking through it, 
though rarely. So,<quote>
<lg><l>From these hye hilles | as when a spring doth falle,</l>
<l>It trilleth down | with still and subtle course,</l>
<l>Of this and that | it gathers aye, and shall</l>
<l>Till it have just | downe flowed to stream and force:</l>
<l>So fareth Love, | when he hath ta'en a course;</l>
<l>Rage is his raine; | resistance 'vaileth none;</l>
<l>The first eschue | is remedy alone.</l>
<l rend="indent5">Wyatt.</l>
</lg></quote>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-30-1">We probably took it from the Italians. Their heroic measure has indeed 
eleven syllables, because of the rhyme, which is double; but as our 
language requires single rhyme, the verse was reduced to ten
syllables; the run of it is the same to the ear. The Italians borrowed 
it from the Provençals, there being verses extant still of this 
kind by Arnauld Daniel, who died in 1189, and is celebrated by 
Petrarch, under the title of Gran Maestro d'amor, and of Arnauld de 
Merveille, who flourished about 1190, as,<quote><lg><l>"Fazes auzir 
vostras castas preguieras</l><l>Tant doussament, qu'a pietat sia
moguda</l><l>De s' inclinar a ma justa demanda," &amp;c.</l></lg><bibl rend="indent">
Crescimbeni, Istor. della Volg. Poesia, l. i, p. 6.</bibl></quote> 
Dante judges it the best adapted of any metre to noble subjects. 
"Quorum omnium Endecasyllabum videtur esse superbius, tam temporis 
occupatione quam capacitate sententiae, constructionis, et
vocabulorum, &amp;c. — et omnes hoc Doctores perpendisse 
videntur, Cantiones illustres principiantes ab illo." (De Vulgari 
Eloquentiâ, l. ii, c. 5.)</note>
<pb n="31" xml:id="p1-31"/>
And these verses of Surrey:<quote>
<lg><l>In active games | of nimbleness and strength</l>
<l>Where we did strain, | trained with swarms of youth,</l>
<l>Our tender limbs, | which yet shot up in length:</l>
<l>The secret groves, | which oft we made resound</l>
<l>Of plesaunt plaint, | and of our Lady's praise,</l>
<l>Recording oft, | what grace each one had found,</l>
<l>What hope of speed, | what dread of long delays;</l>
<l>The wild forèst, | the clothed holts with green,</l>
<l>With reines availed, | and swift-ybreathed horse,</l>
<l>With cry of hound, | and merry blasts between,</l>
<l>Where we did chase | the fearful hart of force, &amp;c.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p>But our poets have long since got loose from these fetters. <anchor xml:id="an31_14"/><ref target="#n31_14">Spenser</ref> 
judiciously shook them off; <anchor xml:id="an31_15"/><ref target="#n31_15">Milton</ref> in his Paradise Lost, is ever changing 
and mingling his pauses, and the greatest writers after him have made it 
their study to avoid what Puttenham regarded as a rule of perfect 
versification.
</p><p>These reflections may serve to shew us, that Puttenham, though he lived 
within about one hundred and fifty years of Chaucer's time, must have been 
mistaken with regard to what the old writers called their <emph>Riding
Rhyme;</emph> for the Canterbury Tales, which he gives as an example of it, are 
as exact in their measure and in their pause as in the Troilus and Cresseide, 
where he says, "<emph>the metre is very grave and stately</emph>"; and this not 
only in the Knight's Tale, but in the comic Introduction and Characters; as,
<pb n="32" xml:id="p1-32"/>
<quote><lg><anchor xml:id="an32_1"/><l><ref target="#n32_1">A monke ther
was</ref> | fair for the maistery,</l> 
<l>An outrider | that loved venery,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-32-1"/></l>
<l>A manly man, | to ben an abbot able,</l>
<anchor xml:id="an32_4"/><l><ref target="#n32_4">Many a</ref> dainty horse | had
he in stable;     (On the 6th.)</l> 
<l>And when he rode, | men might his bridle heare,</l>
<l>Gingiling in a whistling wind, | as cleare     (On the 8th.)</l>
<l>And eke as loud, as doth the chapell-bell, &amp;c.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p>I conclude, that he was misled by the change which words had undergone in 
their accents since the days of Chaucer, and by the seeming defects of measure 
which frequently occur in the printed copies. I cannot pretend to say what it 
was they called <emph>Riding Rhyme,</emph> but perhaps it might be such as we see 
in the Northern Tale of Sir Thopas in Chaucer.
<quote><lg><l>Sir Thopas was | a doughty swaine,</l>
<l>White was his face, | as pain<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-32-2"/> de maine,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-32-3"/></l>
<l>His lippis red as rose, |</l>
<l>His rudd<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="4" target="#fn-32-4"/> is like | scarlet in graine,</l>
<l>And I you tell | in gode certaine</l>
<l>He had a seemly nose. | &amp;c.</l></lg></quote>
But nothing can be more regular than this sort of stanza, the pause always 
falling just in the middle of those verses which are of eight syllables, and 
at the end of those of six. I imagine
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-32-1">Venerie, Fr. hunting.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-32-2"><quote><lg><l>"When thou beholdest before thy Lord <emph>peyne-mayne:</emph></l>
<l>A baker chosen, and waged well forthe,</l><l>That only he should that 
businesse applye," &amp;c.</l><l rend="indent3">
Alexander Barclay's Eclogues,</l><l>      Written in the 
beginning of Henry y<hi rend="sup">e</hi> 8th's reign.</l></lg></quote> </note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-32-3">The whitest bread.</note>
<note place="foot" n="4" xml:id="fn-32-4"><emph>Rudu,</emph> Sax. colour of the cheek.</note>
<pb n="33" xml:id="p1-33"/>
that it was this very regularity which seemed so tedious to <emph>mine host of 
the Tabbarde,</emph> as to make him interrupt Chaucer in the middle of his 
story, with<quote>
<lg><anchor xml:id="an33_5"/><l><ref target="#n33_5">No more of this</ref> for Goddis
dignitè—</l> 
<l>Mine earès akin of thy draftie<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-33-1"/> speeche,</l>
<l>Now such a rime the Devil I beteeche,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-33-2"/></l>
<l>This may well be clepe <emph>Rime Dogrell,</emph> quoth he, &amp;c.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p>Hence too we see that Puttenham is mistaken in the sense of <emph>Rhyme
Dogrell,</emph> for so far was it <emph>from being tied to no rule at all,</emph> 
that it was consistent with the greatest exactness in the Caesura and in the 
Measure; but as he himself has said very well in another place, (b. ii. ch. 
9,) "the over busie and too speedie returne of one manner of tune doth too 
much annoy and, as it were, glut the eare, unless it be in small and popular 
musickes, sung by these Cantabanqui<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-33-3"/>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-33-1">Tedious, from <emph>drof,</emph> Sax. dirty, filthy.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-33-2"><emph>Betaecan,</emph> Sax. to give, or commit to.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-33-3">Doubtless the degenerate successors of those ancient
<emph>Jongleurs</emph> in Provence, Italy, and other countries described 
by Crescimbeni, where he is speaking of the old romances. "Or questi 
Romanzi non v' ha dubbio che si cantavano, e forse non
s'ingannò colui, che fu di parere, che i Romanzatori in panca 
vendessero l'opere loro cantando, imperocchè fioriva 
anticamente in Francia un' arte detta de' Giuglari, i quali erano 
faceti e spiritosi uomini, che solevano andar cantando i loro versi 
per le corte alle mense de' grandi, coll a viuola, o' coll' arpa, o' 
con altro stromento.— Molti de' poeti Provenzali de' primi 
tempi quest a stessa esercitarono ed anco de' nostri Italiani, che 
in quella lingua poetarono." [p. 34] (Comentarj del Crescimbeni,
l. v. c. 5, p. 333.) And he cites on this occasion these verses in 
a Romance composed about the year 1230:<quote><lg><l>"Quand les tables 
ostées furent</l><l>Cil Jugleur en pies esturent,</l><l>S'ont 
Vielles et Harpes prises;</l><l>Chansons, sons, vers, et reprises,</l><l>Et 
de Gestes chanté nos ont," &amp;c.</l></lg></quote> These verses 
are in the Tournoyement d'Antichrist, by Huon de Mari, a monk of St. 
Germain. (Fauchet, l. i. ch. 8.) <lb/>And Huon de Villeneuve, a writer 
of the same age, addresses himself to the company whom he is going 
to entertain in these words:<quote><lg><l>"Gardez, qu'il n'i ait noise, 
ne tabor, ne criée,</l><l>Il est ensinc coustume en la vostre 
contrée.</l><l>Quant uns Chanterres vient entre gent
honorée</l><l>Et il a en droit soi la Vielle attrempée;</l> 
<l>Je tant n'aura mantel, ne cotte desramée,</l><l>Que sa premiere* 
laisse ne soit bien escoutée:</l><l>Puis font chanter avant, se de 
riens lor agrée,</l><l>Ou tost sans vilenie puet recoillir
s'estrée," &amp;c.</l> </lg></quote>* <emph>Couple, ou</emph>
Entrée. </note>
<pb n="34" xml:id="p1-34"/>
upon benches and barrels-heads, where they have none other audience than boys 
and country fellows, that pass by them in the street; or else by blind harpers 
or such like tavern-minstrels, that give a fit of mirth for a groat; and their 
matters being for the most part stories of old time, as the Tale of Sir 
Thopas, the reportes of <anchor xml:id="an34_8-1" n="an34_8"/><ref target="#n34_8">Bevis</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-34-1"/> of <anchor xml:id="an34_8-2" n="an34_8"/><ref target="#n34_8">Southampton</ref>, Adam Bell, and Clymme 
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-34-1">The English Romance, so called, is in rude verse, seemingly of great 
antiquity. The Italians have one which is named <emph>Buovo d'
Antona,</emph> probably on <anchor xml:id="an34_32"/><ref target="#n34_32">the same story</ref>, mentioned by Gio. Villani,
who died in 1348. (See Crescimbeni, Comentarj, l. v. c. 6.)
<lb/>This English Romance is in free octosyllabic rhyme, written,
[p. 35] as Mr. Thomas Warton observes (in his Observations on the 
Fairy Queen, Lond. 1754, 8vo) in that short measure which was 
frequently sung to the harp in Queen Elizabeth's days, a custom which 
descended from the ancient bards (p. 36). Bevis is supposed to have 
been Earl of Southampton about the time of the Norman Invasion; his 
residence was at Duncton in Wiltshire; his sword, called
<emph>Morglay,</emph> is kept as a relic in Arundel Castle, not equalling 
in length that of Edward the Third at Westminster. (See Selden's notes 
on Drayton's Polyolbion, canto iii.)</note>
<pb n="35" xml:id="p1-35"/>
of the Clough, and such other old romances <anchor xml:id="an35_1"/><ref target="#n35_1">and historical</ref> rhymes, made <anchor xml:id="an35_2"/><ref target="#n35_2">on purpose</ref> for the recreation 
of the common people at Christmas dinners and 
<anchor xml:id="an35_4"/><ref target="#n35_4">bride-ales</ref> in taverns and
ale-houses, and such other places of base resort," 
&amp;c. This was therefore <emph>Dogrell,</emph> whose frequent return of rhyme 
and similarity of sound easily imprinted it in the memory of the vulgar; and, 
by being applied of old to the meanest uses of poetry, it was grown 
distasteful to the ears of the better sort.
</p><p>But the <emph>Riding Rhyme</emph> I rather take to be that which is confined 
to one measure, whatever that measure be, but not to one rhythm; having 
sometimes more, sometimes fewer syllables, and the pause hardly 
distinguishable, such as the Prologue and History of Beryn, found in some
MSS. of Chaucer, and the Cook's Tale of Gamelyn, where the verses have twelve, 
thirteen, or fourteen syllables, and the Caesura on the sixth, seventh, or 
eighth, as it happens. This having
<pb n="36" xml:id="p1-36"/>
an air of rusticity, Spenser has very well adapted it to pastoral poetry, and 
in his hands it has an admirable effect, as in the Eclogue called March, which 
is in the same metre as Chaucer's Tale of Sir Thopas; and in February and May, 
where the two fables of the Oak and Bryer, and the Fox and Kid, for humour and 
expression are equal to any thing in our language. The measure, like our usual 
verse of eight syllables, is Dimeter-Iambic, but admits of a Trochee, Spondee, 
Amphybrachys, Anapaest, &amp;c. in almost every place. Thus,
<table style="width: 80%"><row><cell style="width: 50%">
Sēĕst hŏw brāg yon bullock bears<lb/>
So smirk, so smooth, his pricked ears?<lb/> 
His horns bĕen ăs brāde, as rainbow bent,<lb/> 
Hĭs dēwlăp ăs līthe, as Lass of Kent!<lb/> 
Seē hōw hĕ vēntĕth īntŏ thĕ wind<lb/> 
Wēenĕst, ŏf lōve is not his mind? &amp;c.</cell><cell style="width: 30%">
Trochee in the 1st.<lb/> 
Pure Iambic.<lb/> 
Anapaest in the 2d.<lb/> 
The same.<lb/> 
Anapaest in the last.<lb/> 
Trochee in the 1st.</cell></row></table>
And,
<table style="width: 80%">
<row><cell style="width: 50%">
Though marked him, with melting eyes,
</cell><cell style="width: 30%">
Pure Iambic.
</cell></row>
<row><cell style="width: 50%">
A thrilling throb frŏm hĕr heārt did rise,
</cell><cell style="width: 30%">
Anapaest in the 4th [3d].
</cell></row>  
<row><cell style="width: 50%; vertical-align: middle">
And īntĕrrūptĕd ăll hĕr
ŏthĕr spēech
</cell><cell style="width: 30%">
Amphibrachys in the 2d.<lb/>   
Tribrachys in the 3d. 
</cell></row>  
<row><cell style="width: 50%">
Wĭth sōme ōld sōrrŏw, thăt māde ă nĕw brēach,
</cell><cell style="width: 30%">
</cell></row>  
<row><cell style="width: 50%; vertical-align: middle">
Sēemĕd shĕ sāw ĭn hĕr yōunglĭng's fāce,      
</cell><cell style="width: 30%">
Trochee in the 1st.<lb/> 
Anapaest in the 3d.
</cell></row>  
<row><cell style="width: 50%; vertical-align: middle">
The' ōld līnĕămēnts ŏf hĭs Fāther's grace. 
</cell><cell style="width: 30%">
Anapaest in<lb/>2d and 3d.
</cell></row></table>
<pb n="37" xml:id="p1-37"/>
In these last six lines, the first has eight syllables, and the second nine, 
the third and fourth ten, the fifth nine, and the last ten: and this is the 
only English measure which has such a liberty of choice allowed in its feet, 
of which Milton has taken some little advantage, in using here and there a 
Trochee in his octosyllabics, and in the first foot only of his heroic
verses. There are a very few instances of his going farther for the sake of 
some particular expression, as in that line,<quote>
Būrnt āftĕr thĕm tŏ thĕ bōttŏmlĕss pīt,
</quote> where there is a Spondee in the first place, a Pyrrhic in the 
third, and a Trochee in the fourth, and that line,<quote>
Wĭth ĭmpĕtŭoūs recoil and jarring sound,
</quote> with an Anapaest in the first place, &amp;c.
</p><p>Spenser has also given an instance<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-37-1"/> of the decasyllabic measure with 
an unusual liberty in its feet, in the beginning of his Pastoral called 
August, thus,<quote>
<lg><l>Thĕn lŏ, Pĕrĭgōt, thĕ plĕdge
whĭch I plīght,</l>
<l>Ă māzĕr ȳwroūght ŏf thĕ
māplĕ wāre,</l>
<l>Whĕreīn ĭs ĕnchāsĕd
mānў ă faĭr sīght</l> 
<l>Ŏf beārs ănd tȳgĕrs, thāt
mākĕn fiĕrce wār, &amp;c,</l></lg></quote> 
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-37-1">And after him Dr. Donne (in his Satires) observes no regularity in the 
pause, or in the feet of his verse, only the number of syllables is 
equal throughout. I suppose he thought this rough uncouth measure 
suited the plain familiar style of satirical poetry.</note>
<pb n="38" xml:id="p1-38"/>
where there are Trochees, &amp;c. in every foot but the last. I do not doubt 
that he had some ancient examples of this rhythm in his memory, when he wrote 
it. Bishop Douglas, in his Prologue to the eighth Æneid, written about 
eighty years before Spenser's Calendar, has something of the same kind.
</p><p>I make no mention of the Hexameter, Sapphic, and other measures which Sir 
Philip Sidney and his friends<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-38-1"/> attempted to introduce in Queen 
Elizabeth's reign, because they soon dropped into oblivion. The same thing had 
happened in France a little before, where, in 1553, Etienne Jodelle began to 
write in this way, and was followed by Baïf, Passerat, Nicholas Rapin, 
and others, but without success. (See Pasquier, Recherches, l. vii. c. 12.) 
And in Italy this was attempted by Claudio Tolomei,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-38-2"/> and other men of 
learning, to as little purpose. (See Crescimbeni, Comment. vol. i. p. 21.)
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-38-1">We see from Spenser's Letters, that he himself, his friend Mr. Harvey, 
and Mr. Dyer, one of his patrons, approved of this method and 
practised it. Mr. Drant (he says) had derived the rules and principles 
of the art, which were enlarged with Mr. Sydney's own judgment,  and  
augmented with his (Spenser's) Observations.  This was in 1580.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-38-2">Bishop of Corsola; he flourished in 1540. He was five years Ambassador 
from the Republic of Sienna in France, and died soon after his return 
in 1557.</note>
<pb n="39" xml:id="p1-39" type="unnumbered"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">THE MEASURES OF VERSE</head>
<p>The Measures which I find principally in use among our writers are as 
follow, being in all <emph>fifty-nine.</emph>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab>Decasyllabic. As in Chaucer's Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, and many of 
the principal tales themselves: his Legende of Good Women, &amp;c.</ab>
<ab>Lydgate's Story of Thebes.</ab>
<ab>Gawen Douglas's Translation of the Æneid, &amp;c. Spenser, Mother 
Hubberd's Tale, and almost all our modern heroic poetry.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Successive, in Couplets; called by the old French writers <emph>Rime plate.</emph>
(See Pasquier, Recherches de la France, l. vii, ch. 8.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
Decasyllabic. Blank; as, 
<table style="border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px"><row><cell>
<ab><anchor xml:id="an39_17"/><ref target="#n39_17">The Death of
Zoroas</ref>,<lb/><anchor xml:id="an39_19"/><ref target="#n39_19">The Death of
Cicero</ref>,</ab> </cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
published with Lord Surrey's and Sir T. Wyatt's Poems in 1574, 8vo. Anonym.
</cell></row>
</table>
<ab>Milton's Paradise Lost and Regained, &amp;c.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Without Rhyme. (Versi<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-39-1"/> Sciolti of the Italians.) The invention<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-39-2"/> 
is attributed to Trissino, about the year 1525. 
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-39-1">Thus Trissino's Italia Liberata, the Georgic poems of L. Alamanni and 
Rucellai, the Sette Giornate of Tasso, &amp;c. and many of the Italian 
Tragedies are written. It was attempted too by the French in the 
sixteenth century, as Ronsard in some odes, Blaise Viginelle in his 
Seven Psalms, &amp;c. but was soon dropped again.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-39-2">i. e. As far as relates to the verse of eleven syllables, or Italian
[p. 40] heroic measure. But in shorter verses it had been practised 
sometimes by the most ancient writers of that nation, particularly in 
the beginning of the thirteenth century St. Francis wrote an irregular 
ode, or canticle, without rhyme, for music, in no contemptible strain 
of poetry. It begins,<quote><lg><l>"Altissimo Signore</l><l>Vostre sono le 
lodi,</l><l>La gloria, e gli onori," &amp;c.</l></lg><bibl>(See Crescimbeni, 
Comentarj, l. i. c. 10.)</bibl></quote> </note>
<pb n="40" xml:id="p1-40"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanzas of Four Lines.</ab>
<ab>Lord Surrey's Verses written in Windsor Castle, Epitaph on Sir Thomas 
Wyatt, &amp;c.</ab>
<ab>Dryden's Annus Mirabilis.</ab>
<ab>Spenser. Colin Clout's come Home again, and April. Gascoyne's Councel 
on Traveling. His Woodmanship.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Alternate: called by the French, Rime croisée, or entrelassée.
Whether there were two or more rhymes which answered one another, as in all 
which we call Stanzas, see Pasquier, as above.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanzas of Seven, on Three<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-40-1"/> Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Chaucer's <anchor xml:id="an40_12"/><ref target="#n40_12">Man of
Honour</ref>, Clerk of Oxenford, Second Nun and Prioress's  
Tales. Troilus and Cresseide. Assembly of Fowls. Annelida and Arcite. <anchor xml:id="an40_17"/><ref target="#n40_17">Flower 
and Leaf</ref>. <anchor xml:id="an40_17_2"/><ref target="#n40_17_2">Assembly
of Ladies</ref>. <anchor xml:id="an40_18"/><ref target="#n40_18">Complaint of
the Black Knight</ref>. <anchor xml:id="an40_19"/><ref target="#n40_19">Lamentation of Magdalen</ref>.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2d 4th and 5th.<lb/>
— 6th and 7th.
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-40-1">There is also a rough stanza of seven, free in its feet, as Dingley's 
Battle of Brampton, in the Mirrour of Magistrates.</note>
<pb n="41" xml:id="p1-41"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanzas of Seven, on Three Rhymes (continued).</ab>
<ab><anchor xml:id="an41_4"/><ref target="#n41_4">Remedy of
Love</ref>. Several Ballads,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-41-1"/> &amp;c. John Hardynge's 
Chronicle.</ab>
<ab>Gower's <anchor xml:id="an41_8"/><ref target="#n41_8">Epistle to Henry
the 4th</ref>.</ab> 
<ab>Occleve, de Regimine Principis. Letter of Cupid. <anchor xml:id="an41_11"/><ref target="#n41_11">Ballade of our Lady</ref>. 
Of Pride, and wast<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-41-2"/> Clothing. (In Camden's Remains.) Lydgate's Fall of 
Princes. Churl and Bird. Tale of the Merchant's, <anchor xml:id="an41_15-1" n="an41_15"/><ref target="#n41_15">Ballades, &amp;c.</ref> <anchor xml:id="an41_15-2" n="an41_15"/><ref target="#n41_15">Assemblé de Dyeus</ref>. 
Gawen Douglas. Prologue to the 2d and 4th 
Book of the Æneid. Sir David Lyndsay's Testament of the Papingo. His 
Dream. Complaint of Scotland. Prologue to Experience and the Courtier. 
Fabyan's Ballad Royal on Edward the First. W. Caxton's Work on Sapience. 
Angel's Song. Sir T. Wyatt's Complaint on Love. The Government</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2d 4th and 5th.<lb/>
— 6th and 7th.
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-41-1">"The Staff of seven verses hath seven proportions, whereof one only 
is the usual of our vulgar, and kept by our old Poets, Chaucer and 
others, in their historical Reports and other ditties." (Puttenham, 
l. ii. c. 10.)</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-41-2">This is a part De Regimine Principis.</note>
<pb n="42" xml:id="p1-42"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanzas of Seven, on Three Rhymes (continued).</ab>
<ab>of Kings and Princes, <anchor xml:id="an42_5"/><ref target="#n42_5">Anonymous</ref>.</ab> 
<ab>Spenser's Hymns of Love and Beauty. Ruins of Time. Milton's <anchor xml:id="an42_8"/><ref target="#n42_8">Hymn on the 
Nativity</ref>, &amp;c.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2d 4th and 5th.<lb/>
— 6th and 7th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another Stanza of Seven Lines.</ab> 
<ab>Some Poems of Chaucer.<lb/>Spenser's Daphnaida.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2d 4th and 6th.<lb/>
— 5th and 7th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanzas of Six, on Three Rhymes.</ab> 
<ab>Chaucer, <anchor xml:id="an42_13"/><ref target="#n42_13">in some
Envoys</ref>. Dr. Lodge, some Sonnets. Spenser, Tears of the 
Muses, Astrophel, December, and part of August. Gascoyne's Passion.
</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Four alternate, and the Two last together.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another Stanza of Six, on <emph>Two</emph> Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's October.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st 4th and 6th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Eight, on Three Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Chaucer. Monk's Tale. <anchor xml:id="an42_23"/><ref target="#n42_23">Belle Dame sans mercy</ref>. Envoys. His A.B.C. or 
Prayer to the Virgin. Lydgate's Ballads, <anchor xml:id="an42_25"/><ref target="#n42_25">&amp;c.</ref></ab> 
<ab>Scogan's Letter to the Lords of the King's House. Spenser's November. 
G. Douglas's Prologue to the Sixth Æneid.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2d 4th 5th and 7th.<lb/>
— 6th and 8th.
</cell></row></table>
<pb n="43" xml:id="p1-43"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another.</ab>
<ab><anchor xml:id="an43_3"/><ref target="#n43_3">Some Poems of Chaucer</ref>
and Lydgate.</ab> 
<ab>Gawen Douglas's Prologue to the Eleventh Æneid.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2d 4th 5th and 8th.<lb/>
— 6th and 7th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-43-1"/></ab>
<ab>Spenser's Muiopotmosand Culex.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st 3rd and 5th.<lb/>
— 2d 4th and 6th.<lb/>
— 7th and 8th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another, on Two Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's June.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st 3d 6th and 8th.<lb/>
— 2d 4th 5th and 7th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Nine, on Three Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>G. Douglas's Prologue to the Fifth Æneid, and his Exclamation 
against Detractors. The Third Part of the Palice of Honour.</ab>
<ab>Sir D. Lindsay's Prologue to the Papingo's <anchor xml:id="an43_17"/><ref target="#n43_17">Testament</ref>.</ab> 
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st 2d 4th and 5th.<lb/>
— 3d 6th and 7th.<lb/>
— 8th and 9th.
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-43-1">This is the <emph>Ottava Rima</emph> of the Italians, the Stanza of 
Ariosto and Tasso in their heroic poems, and that of an infinite 
number of authors. It was first introduced in Italy by Boccaccio, 
who wrote in this measure his Teseide, Filostrato, &amp;c. in the 
fourteenth century; though he in reality appears to have borrowed it 
from Thibaut, King of Navarre and Count of Champagne, who had 
written in the same stanza in the year 1235. (See Crescembeni, 
Comentarj, vol. i. l. v. c. 7, p. 339.)</note>
<pb n="44" xml:id="p1-44"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another, on Two Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Chaucer's   Complaint    of   Annelida.     G. Douglas's Prologue to 
the Third Æneid, and the two first Parts of the Palice of Honour.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1, 2, 4, 5, and 8.<lb/> 
— 3, 6, 7, and 9.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Five, on Two Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Chaucer's <anchor xml:id="an44_8"/><ref target="#n44_8">Cuckoo and
Nightingale</ref>. Gawen Douglas's  Prologue to the 
Tenth Æneid.</ab> 
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st 2d and 5th.<lb/> 
— 3d and 4th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another.</ab>
<ab>Some  of Sir  Thomas  Wyatt's Verses.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3rd.<lb/> 
— 2d 4th and 5th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Terzetti,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-44-1"/> or Terza Rima.</ab>
<ab>Lord Surrey's Restless State of a Lover. Sir T. Wyatt's [Epist.] to 
J. Poynes, and Sir Fr. Bryan. Milton. Second Psalm.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d rhyme<lb/>
— 2d 4th and 6th, and so on by threes alternate, till the last and 
last but two, which answer like those at first.
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-44-1">This is the measure of Dante in his Inferno, &amp;c., of Petrarch's 
Trionfi, &amp;c. The invention has usually been ascribed to the 
former, but there is a Poem (called Il Pataffio) extant, written in 
this very measure by Ser Brunetto Latini, who was Dante's master, and 
who died in 1294. It was probably the invention of the 
Provençals, who used it in ther Syrvientes (or Satires), whence 
the Italians have commonly called it <emph>Serventese.</emph> See 
Crescimbeni, Coment. vol. i. l. 2, c. 13)</note>
<pb n="45" xml:id="p1-45"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Sonnets of Fourteen,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-45-1"/> on Five Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Milton's 7th, 9th, 10th, and 13th Sonnets.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1, 4, 5, and 8th.<lb/>
— 2, 3, 6, and 7th.<lb/>
— 9th and 12th.<lb/>
— 10th and 13th.<lb/>
— 11th and 14th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's Amoretti.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3rd.<lb/>
— 2, 4, 5, and 7th.<lb/>
— 6, 8, 9, and 11th.<lb/>
— 10th and 12th.<lb/>
— 13th and 14th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another.</ab>
<ab>Sir T. Wyatt's Sonnets of the Lover waxeth wiser, &amp;c.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
8 first lines, as of the first sort above.<lb/>
4 next alternate.<lb/>
Couplet in the end.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Sonnets of Four Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Milton's Sonnets, 8th, 11th, 12th, and 14th.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Eight first lines as of the first sort, or else alternate: the six last 
alternate, or at pleasure.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another, of Two Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Lord Surrey on the Spring: Complaint by Night, &amp;c.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 12 first alternate, and end with a couplet.
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-45-1">This, and the fourth kind, are the true Sonnet of the Italians. 
Petrarch uses only these two measures. The invention of the regular 
Sonnet is ascribed to Fra Guittone d'Arezzo, who flourished about the 
year 1250; nor do we find any of this form among the Provençals 
till seventy years after. What they called <emph>Sonet</emph> was only a 
short Canzone, unconfined in the number of verses, the measure, and 
the order of the rhymes. (Crescimb. Coment. l. ii. c. 14, 15.)</note>
<pb n="46" xml:id="p1-46"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another, of Seven Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Lord Surrey's Vow to Love. On Sir T. Wyatt's Death, &amp;c. Daniel's 
Delia.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 12 first by 4 and 4 alternate.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Madrigals of Eight, on Three Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Sir T. Wyatt.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Six first alternate; and end with a Couplet.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Madrigals on Two Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Sir T. Wyatt.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st 3d 6th and 8th.<lb/>
— 2, 4, 5, and 7th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Fourteen, on Seven Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's Visions of Petrarch, Bellay, &amp;c.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Like the last kind of Sonnet.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another, on Five Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Spenser, Visions of the World's Vanity.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2, 4, 5, and 7th.<lb/>
— 6, 8, 9, and 11th.<lb/>
— 10th and 12th.<lb/>
— 13th and 14th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Sestine, of Six.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-46-1"/></ab>
<ab>Spenser, in his August.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
No rhyme. The art consists in ringing changes on six words only, in the end 
of a line: the whole is finished in six stanzas only, and three verses over.
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-46-1">The invention of the <emph>Sestine</emph> is ascribed to Arnauld Daniel
[p. 47] in the middle of the twelfth century (see Crescimb. Coment. 
vol. i l. 2, c. 11), and from him the Italians borrowed it, though 
it must be always, both in sense and sound, a very mean composition.</note>
<pb n="47" xml:id="p1-47"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Decasyllabic, Mixed.</ab>
<ab>Stanza of Nine, with an Alexandrine at the end, on Three Rhymes.</ab> 
<ab>Spenser's Fairy Queen.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-47-1"/></ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2, 4, 5, and 7.<lb/>
— 6, 8, and 9th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Eighteen,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-47-2"/> with 4 verses (the 5th, 10th, 
15th, and 16th) of Six syllables, and the last an Alexandrine, on Seven 
Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's Prothalamion and <anchor xml:id="an47_11"/><ref target="#n47_11">Epithalamion</ref>.</ab> 
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1, 4, and 5th.<lb/>
— 2d and 3d.<lb/>
4 next alternate (the 10th answers to the 9th.)<lb/>
— 11, 12, and 14th.<lb/>
— 13, 15, and 16th.<lb/>
— 17th and 18th.
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-47-1">Spenser has also a stanza of eight, ending with an Alexandrine, where 
the 1st and 3d rhyme; the 2d, 4th, and 5th; the 6th, 7th, and 8th, as 
in Britain's Ida.<lb/>Sir Thomas Wyatt has a stanza of eight, where the 
4th and 8th are of six syllables; it has three rhymes, the 1st, 2d, 
and 3d answering each other; the 4th and 8th; the 5th, 6th, and 7th.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-47-2">These resemble the Canzoni of the Italians, which are in stanzas of 9, 
12, 13, or 14 verses, &amp;c. in unequal measure. There is also a 
stanza (if it may be called so) not only of mixed measures but of an 
unequal number of verses, sometimes rhyming and sometimes not, as in 
Milton's Lycidas, and in the Choruses in his Samson Agonistes.<lb/>
The Canzone is of very ancient date: the invention of it being 
ascribed to Girard de Borneil, of the School of Provence, who died in 
1178. He was of Limoges, and was called <emph>Il Maestro de'
Trovatori.</emph> The different kinds of Canzoni are infinite, many new 
ones being introduced by the Italians. The most ancient, which were 
extant in that tongue, were written by Folcacchio de' Folcacchieri, 
who lived before the year 1200. Nothing seems [p. 48] essential to 
this species of poetry, but that the measures of every stanza should 
answer to the first, whether they be of equal or of unequal measures. 
It has generally been a rule that the stanzas should be not more than 
fifteen, and the verses in each stanza not fewer than nine, nor above 
twenty; but this rule is very often broken. Dante esteemed it the 
noblest species of poetry, and adds, "Quicquid de cacuminibus 
illustrium Capitum poëtantium profluxit ad labia, in <emph>solis
Cantionibus</emph> invenitur." (De Vulg. Eloquent. l. ii. c. 3, b. 3.) 
He said they used all measures from eleven syllables to three, but 
particularly recommends the former, mixed with that of seven, which 
Petrarch has observed and approved.</note>
<pb n="48" xml:id="p1-48"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Ten. The first an Alexandrine, the four next, 
and 9th, a decasyllabic, sixth and seventh octosyllabic, the eighth and 
tenth (being the Refrain or Burthen) tetrasyllabic. On four rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's Lay, or Elegy of Dido, in the November.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2, 4, 5, and 9th.<lb/>
— 6th and 7th.<lb/>
— 8th and 10th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Nine. The 1st, 3d, 5th, and 6th are
decasyllabic, the 2d, 4th, 7th, and 8th are tetrasyllabic, the last
octosyllabic. On four rhymes.</ab> 
<ab>Spenser's Lay to Eliza, in April.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2d and 4th.<lb/>
— 5th 6th and 9th.<lb/>
— 7th and 8th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Decasyllabic, free in their feet.</ab>
<ab>Spenser, Proëme of his August. Baldwyn's Complaint of James the 
Fourth, King of Scotland. Donne's Satires.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
In Couplets. With Trochees or Iambics in every foot indifferently.
</cell></row></table>
<pb n="49" xml:id="p1-49"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">The Same, Mixt, in Stanzas of thirteen, their four last 
verses are tetrasyllabic. On four rhymes.</ab>
<ab>G. Douglas, Prologue to the Eighth Æneid.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1, 3, 5, and 7th.<lb/>
— 2, 4, 6, and 8th.<lb/>
— 9, and 13th.<lb/>
— 10, 11, and 12th.<lb/>
— I call them decasyllabic and tetrasyllabic, because they have that 
effect on the ear: but as they admit of Anapaests, &amp;c., they have 
sometimes eleven or five syllables.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Octosyllabic.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-49-1"/></ab>
<ab>The Lord's Prayer, by Pope Adrian, in Henry the Second's time. Chaucer's 
Romaunt of the Rose. House of Fame. Book of the Dutchess. His Dream. Poem of 
the Owl and Nightingale (as old as the time of Henry the Third). Gower's 
Confessio Amantis. Lydgate's <anchor xml:id="an49_16"/><ref target="#n49_16">Story of Thebes</ref>. Sir David Lyndsay's Dialogue 
between Experience and a Courtier. <anchor xml:id="an49_19"/><ref target="#n49_19">Romaunce of Merlin</ref>.</ab> 
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Successive in Couplets.
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-49-1">This measure is borrowed from the <anchor xml:id="an49_20"/><ref target="#n49_20">Welsh</ref>, or the Provençal and 
old French poets, with whom it was common. Robert Manning of Brunn, 
who towards the beginning of the fourteenth century translated Peter 
Langtoft's Chronicle out of the old French (or Roman tongue as it was 
then called) has prefixed a Prologue to it in Octosyllabic rhymes, 
<anchor xml:id="an49_25-1" n="an49_25"/><ref target="#n49_25">wherein he
mentions</ref> <anchor xml:id="an49_25-2" n="an49_25"/><ref target="#n49_25">different kinds of [p. 50] verse</ref> used in
his days,  
as Entrelace, Baston, <anchor xml:id="an50_26"/><ref target="#n50_26">Couwe</ref>, Strangere, &amp;c. The first of
these is, 
as I suppose, the Rime croisée or enterlassée of the 
French; the second are unequal verse in <emph>Staves</emph> or Stanzas, 
answering one to the other. The French still say <emph>Baston</emph> de 
Balade for <emph>Stance</emph> de Balade. (See Menage Dictionnaire
Etymol. v. Baston.) Couwe I take to be derived from the Welsh Cywydd 
(pronounced Couwyth) which is a peculiar stanza and composition of 
rhyme, described by Dr. David ap Rhys, p. 186; it may be perhaps the 
same with Chaucer's Tale of Sir Thopas.</note>
<pb n="50" xml:id="p1-50"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another kind.</ab>
<ab>Lord Surrey's Restless State of a Lover. Means of a happy Life. 
Gascoyne's Good-Morrow.</ab>
<ab>Wyatt's Prayer against Disdain; Lamentation, &amp;c.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Alternate.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another.</ab>
<ab>Wyatt's Renunciation of Love.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Four successive rhymes.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Eight, on Two Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Chaucer's <anchor xml:id="an50_11"/><ref target="#n50_11">Plowman's
Tale</ref> and Prologue.</ab> 
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Alternate.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Eight, on Three Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Chaucer's Ballade in praise of Women.</ab>
<ab>Lydgate's <anchor xml:id="an50_17"/><ref target="#n50_17">Complaint of
Tho. Chaucer</ref>.</ab> 
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2, 4, 5, and 7th.<lb/>
— 6th and 8th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Seven, on Three Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Wyatt's Suit for Grace. Lover's Mistrust, &amp;c.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 3d.<lb/>
— 2d, 4th, and 5th.<lb/>
— 6th and 7th.
</cell></row></table>
<pb n="51" xml:id="p1-51"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Six, on Three Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Lord Surrey's Lover's Comfort. Complaint of Absence, &amp;c. 
Gascoyne's Arraignement.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
4 Alternate.<lb/>2 last together.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Stanza of Five, on Two Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Wyatt, to his Lute.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st 2d and 4th.<lb/>
— 3d and 5th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Octosyllabic, Mixt.</ab>
<ab>Stanza of Six. The 3d and 6th are of six syllables; on Three Rhymes. 
(Doggerel.)</ab>
<ab>Chaucer's Sir Thopas. Frere and Boy; Sir Eglamore; Sir Triamore; The 
Green Knight; Sir Lybius Disconius.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 2d.<lb/>
— 4th and 5th.<lb/>
— 3d and 6th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another. With Heptasyllabics mixed at pleasure. No 
Stanzas.</ab>
<ab>Milton's Allegro and Penseroso; Part of his Comus; Epitaph on the
Marchioness of Winchester.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Successive. 
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Octosyllabics, with Verses of Six, alternate.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's July.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Alternate.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Another, with Verses of Six or Five Syllables, 
alternate.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's Roundelay, in August.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Alternate.
</cell></row></table>
<pb n="52" xml:id="p1-52"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Octosyllabic, Free.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's February, May, and September. Bevis of Southampton. Sir 
Lambwell. Eger and Grime. Sir Degree. Earl of Carlisle.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Successive. The feet are Trochees, Spondees, Amphibrachys, and Anapaests 
indifferently with the Iambic.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Octosyllabic, Free.<lb/>Stanza of Six, Mixt and Free.
On Three Rhymes.</ab>
<ab>Spenser, Proëme of March.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1st and 2d.<lb/>
— 4th and 5th.<lb/> 
— 3d and 6th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Octosyllabic, Blank.<lb/>Mixt with others of Six and Four
Syllables.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's Mourning Muse of Thestylis.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
No Rhyme.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Verses of Six Syllables.</ab>
<ab>Several Songs of Sir Tho. Wyatt and Lord Surrey.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Others in Stanzas of Eight, on Two Rhymes.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Alternate.<lb/>
1, 3, 6, and 8th.<lb/>
2, 4, 5, and 7th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">The same. On Three Rhymes.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
The 1, 3, 5, and 7th.<lb/> 
— 2d and 4th.<lb/> 
— 6th and 8th.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Pentasyllabic and Tetrasyllabic.</ab>
<ab>These are rarely used alone.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
</cell></row></table>
<pb n="53" xml:id="p1-53"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Alexandrines.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-53-1"/></ab>
<ab>Lord Surrey's Ecclesiastes.</ab>
<ab>Spenser's Envoy to the Shepherd's Kalendar.</ab>
<ab>Drayton's Polyolbion.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Successive. There is also a Stanza of four Alexandrines with alternate rhyme, 
as Phoebe's Sonnet in Lodge's Euphues' Gold. Legacy.
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-53-1"><anchor xml:id="an53_7"/><ref target="#n53_7">The Life of
St. Margaret</ref> in very old Saxon (cited hereafter), and  
written above one hundred and seventy years before Chaucer was born, 
is in a sort of free Alexandrine measure: as is the <anchor xml:id="an53_10-1" n="an53_10"/><ref target="#n53_10">Chronicle of 
Robert of Gloucester</ref>, and <anchor xml:id="an53_10-2" n="an53_10"/><ref target="#n53_10">Peter Langtoft's Chronicle</ref>, translated by 
Robert Manning of Brunn, both of them older than Chaucer. The 
Alexandrine verse <anchor xml:id="an53_12"/><ref target="#n53_12">took its name</ref> from a poem written in this
measure, 
called La Vie d'Alexandre by Jean li Nevelois and Pierre de St. Cloit, 
who lived in the thirteenth century (Pasquier, l. vii. c. 3). The 
<emph>Roman d'Alexandre</emph> was begun by <anchor xml:id="an53_16-1" n="an53_16"/><ref target="#n53_16">Lambert li Cors</ref> and <anchor xml:id="an53_16-2" n="an53_16"/><ref target="#n53_16">Alexandra  
de Paris</ref>; but some parts of it were executed by the two poets above 
mentioned. They all four (according to the President Fauchet) wrote 
between 1150 and 1193, in the reigns of Louis le Jeune and Philippe 
Auguste, and seem to have been of the Trouveures or Jongleurs, who 
then were in high esteem: their names appear in the work itself.
<quote><lg><l>"La verté de l'histoir, si com li Roy la fit,</l> 
<l>Un Clers de Chateaudun, Lambert li Cors, l'escrit,</l><l>Qui de Latin 
<emph>la<hi rend="sup">1</hi> <anchor xml:id="an53_24"/><ref target="#n53_24">trest</ref>,</emph> et en Roman la
mit."</l></lg></quote> 
See Fauchet, de la Langue et Poesie Françoise, l. ii. (A.D. 
1581). The Latin, whence they translated, was (I imagine) the 
Alexandréis of Gualterus, (or Gautier de Châtillon, a 
native of Lisle in Flanders), a poet who lived about the same time, 
that is, in the middle of the twelfth century.  It is observable, 
that none of these four Jongleurs was a Provençal, nor do they 
write in that dialect, yet they are contemporary with the most ancient 
Provençal poets, mentioned by Nôtredame.<lb/>
<hi rend="sup">1</hi> <emph>tira.</emph></note>
<pb n="54" xml:id="p1-54"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 1px solid; border-spacing: 0px">
<row><cell role="label" style="width: 70%">Verse.</cell><cell role="label" style="width: 30%">Order of the Rhymes.</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Alexandrines, mixed with Verses of Fourteen
Syllables,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-54-1"/> alternately.</ab>
<ab>Queen Elizabeth's Ditty on the Queen of Scots. Surrey's Description of 
Love. Complaint of a Lover. Dying Lover. The Warning. The 
careless Man, &amp;c.</ab>
<ab>Wyatt's Complaint of Absence. Song<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-54-2"/> of Iopas. Gascoyne's
Gloze.</ab> 
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Successive.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Free Alexandrines, mixed in like manner.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-54-3"/></ab>
<ab>Chaucer's Tale of Beryn and Prologue.</ab>
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Successive: but with various feet.
</cell></row>
<row><cell>
<ab rend="center">Free Verse,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="4" target="#fn-54-4"/> of Fourteen Syllables.</ab>
<ab>Chaucer's <anchor xml:id="an54_16"/><ref target="#n54_16">Tale of
Gamelin</ref>. Robin of Portingale; Ballade of Flodden 
Field; Adam Bell; Robin Hood; Nut-brown Maid; Childe Waters; Durham
Field.</ab> 
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">
Successive. (Various.) There is also a verse of Sixteen, as Guy and Phillis, 
Thomas a Potts.
</cell></row></table>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-54-1">"Some Makers (says Puttenham) write in verses of fourteen syllables, 
giving the cesure at the first eight, which proportion is tedious, for 
the length of the verse keepeth the ear too long from its delight, 
which is, to hear the cadence or tuneable accent in the end of the 
verse."</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-54-2">There is also a mixed stanza of four (as in Baldwin's Complaint of 
Henry the Sixth, in the Mirrour of Magistrates), three verses of 
twelve and one of fourteen syllables. Rhymes in Couplets.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-54-3">And <anchor xml:id="an54_29"/><ref target="#n54_29">thus is
written</ref> Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle, a work of Henry 
the Third's time, but without any regularity, the Alexandrine 
sometimes wanting a syllable or two, and the verse of fourteen coming 
in at random, as the writer thought fit.</note>
<note place="foot" n="4" xml:id="fn-54-4">It is the very same measure with the <anchor xml:id="an54_33"/><ref target="#n54_33">Semi-Saxon moral poem</ref> [p. 55] 
(cited hereafter) written almost two hundred years after Chaucer's 
time.<lb/>There was also the regular verse of fourteen used in Queen 
Elizabeth's time, and in this measure is written Dr. Phaer's 
Translation of the Æneid; (see Lambarde's Kent and Weever's 
Funeral Monuments) Arthur Goldynge's Ovid's Metamorphoses, Chevy 
Chase, <anchor xml:id="an55_23"/><ref target="#n55_23">Gill Morrice,
Glasgerion, Launcelot du Lake</ref>, &amp;c. </note>
<pb n="55" xml:id="p1-55"/>
Of all these measures, which we may reduce to six, viz. the verse of fourteen, 
the Alexandrine, the decasyllabic, the octosyllabic,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-55-1"/> the 
heptasyllabic, and verse of six; none are now used but the third and fourth; 
except it be interspersedly to vary our composition, and especially in lyric 
poetry. Our variety too in the rhyme is much circumscribed, never going 
further than the use of a triplet, and that rarely. As to any license<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-55-2"/> 
in the feet, it is only permitted in the beginning of a long verse, where we 
sometimes use a trochee, and the same foot more freely in shorter measures.
</p><p>The Provençal poets either invented or made use of all these 
measures, from verses of three syllables to those of eleven and thirteen; 
but of these last we find no example till about the year 1321,
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-55-1">We now use this as well on serious subjects as comic: the latter we 
call Doggerel, as Hudibras.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-55-2">We now and then in subjects of humour use a free verse of eleven or 
twelve syllables, which may consist of four Amphibrachees, or four 
Anapaests, or the first may be an Iambic, &amp;c.; so Prior:
<quote><lg><l>"As Chlōĕ căme ĭntŏ thĕ 
rōom t'ŏthĕr dāy" —</l>
<l>"Tĭs enoūgh thăt 'tĭs loādĕd
wĭth bāublĕs ănd sēals," &amp;c.</l>
</lg></quote></note>
<pb n="56" xml:id="p1-56"/>
so that it is not certain that they were originally theirs, or borrowed from 
the French Alexandrine with the addition of a syllable, on account of the 
double rhyme. (See Crescimbeni, Comentarj, vol. i. l. 2, c. 14, and l. 1,
c. 6.) 
<pb n="57" xml:id="p1-57" type="unnumbered"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">OBSERVATIONS ON THE <anchor xml:id="an57_0"/><ref target="#n57_0">PSEUDO-RHYTHMUS</ref></head> 
<p>The most ancient instance of rhyming verse, as Sir W. Temple <anchor xml:id="an57_2"/><ref target="#n57_2">has observed</ref>, 
is that of the Emperor Adrian, about the 137th year of Christ.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-57-1"/> It was 
undoubtedly borrowed from the barbarous nations, among whom, particularly in 
the east, it is said to have been in use from the remotest antiquity. The 
Welsh still preserve the works of the ancient British bards, <anchor xml:id="an57_8"/><ref target="#n57_8">Taliessin, 
Benbeirdh</ref>, and <anchor xml:id="an57_9"/><ref target="#n57_9">Lomarkk</ref>, who lived towards the end of the sixth
century, and 
wrote in rhyme. It is possible that our ancesters, <anchor xml:id="an57_11"/><ref target="#n57_11">the Anglo-Saxons</ref>, might 
borrow it from the Britons, but it is much more probable that they brought it 
from Germany with them.
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-57-1">There is a Hymn of St. Augustine, who lived about the year 420, in 
which are interspersed several verses which rhyme in the middle; as,
<quote><lg><l>"Abest limus, | deest fimus, | lues nulla cernitur,</l> 
<l>Hymens horrens, | aestas torrens, | illic nunquam saeviunt.—</l> 
<l>Virent prata, | vernant sata, | rivi mellis influunt," &amp;c.</l>
<l rend="indent3">Augustin. Meditat. c. 26.</l></lg></quote>
And in a treatise written by Theodulus (who lived in 480 under the 
Emperor Zeno), De Contemptu Mundi, are these lines:<quote> 
<lg><l>"Pauper amabilis, | et venerabilis, | est benedictus,</l><l>Dives 
inutilis, | insatiabilis, | est maledictus," &amp;c.</l></lg></quote></note>
<pb n="58" xml:id="p1-58"/>
It is true that we do not find <anchor xml:id="an58_1"/><ref target="#n58_1">any rhyming verses</ref> among them till towards the 
time of the Norman Conquest; all their poems now remaining being of a 
different contrivance, and their harmony consisting in alliteration,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-58-1"/> 
or similar consonances in the beginning of three or more words in each 
distich; yet probably they might have had our <emph>Pseudo-Rhythm,</emph> (as Dr. 
Hickes and <anchor xml:id="an58_9"/><ref target="#n58_9">Wormius</ref> call
it) beside this, though their performances in it are 
now lost; which is no great wonder, considering that we have not any specimen 
of their poetry in any kind<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-58-2"/> for three hundred
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-58-1">This was the artifice of the Skalds, or old Danish poets in their 
<emph>Drotquaet</emph> (or vulgar song) described by Wormius, and observed 
<anchor xml:id="an58_15"/><ref target="#n58_15">sometimes
strictly</ref>, sometimes with more liberty, by our old Saxons, 
both before and after the coming of the Danes. As to the measure, 
Hickes imagines that they had feet and quantity, but, as he owns, we 
have lost the pronunciation, and neither know the power of the 
dipththongs, nor of the vowel <emph>e</emph> in the end of words; we 
cannot tell of how many syllables their verse consisted; it appears to 
have from four to fourteen indifferently, but most usually from four 
to eight or nine.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-58-2">That is, from the first settlement of the Saxons in Britain to the 
coming of the Danes. (See Hickes's Gramm. Angl. Sax. c. xix.) This is 
his computation, I know not for what reason; for, from the arrival of 
Hengist, A.D. 449, to the settling of the Danes in Northumberland in 
867, are 418 years. From that period to the Norman Conquest we have a 
good deal of their poetry preserved, but none of it in rhyme: the 
Ransom of Eigil (preserved by Olaus Wormius) written above one hundred 
and fifty years before the Conquest, is however in rhyme, as, "Vestur 
kom eg om ver | Enn eg vidris ber | Munstrindar mar | So er mitt offar 
| Dro eg eik a flot | Vid Isabrot |" &amp;c. &amp;c.</note>
<pb n="59" xml:id="p1-59"/>
and thirty-seven years now preserved, except that <anchor xml:id="an59_2"/><ref target="#n59_2">fragment of Caedmon</ref> the 
Monk, extant in King Alfred's Saxon Translation of Bede's History, l. iv. c. 
24, and the <anchor xml:id="an59_5"/><ref target="#n59_5">Harmony of the
Evangelists</ref> paraphrased in verse, in the Cotton 
Library; nay, of these two it is doubtful if the latter be of that age or not.
</p><p>What serves to confirm me in the opinion, that, beside their other species 
of verse, they might also use rhyme occasionally, is this: we have still 
extant in the language of the Franks a <anchor xml:id="an59_12"/><ref target="#n59_12">Paraphrase of the Gospels</ref> in rhyme, 
written by Otfrid, a monk of Weisenburgh, scholar to<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-59-1"/> Rhabanus Maurus, 
abbot of Fulde, before the year 876, and addressed<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-59-2"/> to Louis, the 
Germanic
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-59-1">He was made Archbishop of Mentz in 847. His Latino-Theotische Glossary 
of the Bible is still preserved in the imperial library at Vienna. 
(See Lambecius, Comment. de Bibl. l. ii. p. 416 and 932.)</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-59-2">A specimen of it, with notes and a Latin version, was published in 
1701 by Schilterus of Strasburgh. There are also extant the Actions 
of Charlemagne by Stricher, and the Life of Anno, Archbishop of 
Cologne, both of them poems in rhyme, in the Franco-Theotische tongue, 
mentioned by Dr. Hickes in his grammar of that language, p. 109, and 
by Lambecius, l. ii. p. 422, who has published Otfrid's dedication of 
the work above-mentioned, in prose, which is very curious. In it he 
calls his own tongue "<emph>barbara,</emph> inculta, et
<emph>indisciplinabilis,</emph>" he complains of its roughness and of the 
variety of its sounds, which the letters of the alphabet could not at 
all express, and adds, "Lingua enim haec velut agrestis habetur, dum 
a propriis nec scripturâ, nec arte aliquâ, ullis est 
temporibus expolita, quippe qui nec historias antecessorum suorum, ut 
multae gentes caeterae, commendant memoriae, nec [p. 60] eorum gesta 
vel vitas exornant dignitatis amore. Quod si raro contigit, aliarum 
gentium linguâ, id est, Latinorum vel Graecorum, potius 
explanant." The President Fauchet had seen this poem and preface.</note>
<pb n="60" xml:id="p1-60"/>
King of Austria (or East France) in stanzas, which begin thus:
<table style="width: 80%"><row><cell style="width: 40%">
"Lodovig their snéllo<lb/>Thes wisduames folio:<lb/>Er Ostarichi rihtit 
al<lb/>So Francono Kuning seal.<lb/>Ubar Francono lant gizalt<lb/>So gengit ellu 
sin giuualt.<lb/>Thas rihtit, so i thir zellu,<lb/>Thiu sin giuualt ellu,"
&amp;c.</cell><cell style="width: 40%">That is: Lewis the swift<lb/>    Of
wisdom full,<lb/>    He Austrasia rules all<lb/>    So as 
a Frankish king becomes, &amp;c.
</cell></row></table>
And as the Saxons and Franks<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-60-1"/> were near neighbours
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-60-1">The Franks under Clovis settled in Gaul about thirty-two years after 
the arrival of the Saxons in Kent. Hickes tells us that the 
<anchor xml:id="an60_18"/><ref target="#n60_18">Franco-Theotische
and Anglo-Saxon</ref> (before the invasion of the Danes) 
were probably the same language. Gramm. Fr. Theot. p. 6, see also 
Carte, vol. i. p. 221.) It seems to appear from the words of Otfrid, 
in his preface, cited above, that the Franks of his time did still 
use some kind of metre distinct from rhyme, for he says: "Patitur 
quoque (Lingua Theotisca) nimiùm, non tamen assiduè, 
synaloephen, et hoc nisi legentes praevideant, rationis dicta 
deformius sonant, literas interdum scriptione servantes, interdum 
vero Ebraicae linguae more vitantes, quibus ipsas literas ratione 
synaloephae in lineis, ut quid am dicunt, penitus amittere et 
transilire moris habetur. Non quo series scriptionis hujus
metricâ sit subtilitate constricta, sed schema homoioteleuton 
assiduè quaerit," &amp;c. (Apud Lambecium, l. ii. c. 5,
p. 425.)<lb/>There are <anchor xml:id="an60_31"/><ref target="#n60_31">no verses extant</ref> in the Romaun, or old
French 
tongue, which are known to be more ancient than the middle of the 
twelfth century, and accordingly Fauchet begins his catalogue of poets 
with Maistre <anchor xml:id="an60_34"/><ref target="#n60_34">Wistace</ref>, or Eustace, who wrote the
Romaunce of Brutt, 
the Trojan, in 1155: it is in octosyllabic rhymes.<lb/>The earliest of 
<anchor xml:id="an60_36"/><ref target="#n60_36">the Provençal
writers</ref> (at least of those who [p. 61] have left 
any memorial behind them) lived about the middle of the same century. 
The Sicilian poets, who first taught Italy to write verse, lived very 
few years after; and in our own tongue, we have, I believe, nothing 
extant in rhyme that can be with certainty judged to be more ancient 
than the reign of Stephen or Henry the Second. The Germans have 
therefore preserved in their tongue the most ancient monument of 
rhyming poesy, perhaps in Europe, almost three hundred years older 
than any of those which I have mentioned. The Welsh poetry only (if 
the remains of Taliessin and Lowarkk be not fictitious) can pretend 
to a superior antiquity.<lb/>As to the Provençal writers, 
Crescimbeni observes, "Avvi certezza, che incominiciassero (i rimatori 
Provenzali) circa il 1100 sotto il Guglielmo VIII. duca d'Aquitania, 
e l' istesso duca fosse il primo verseggiatore, avendo composto in 
rima il viaggio di Gerusalemme, e qualche cosa amorosa.— Non si 
truovano però rime più antiche di quelle di Giusfredo 
Rudello, che molto scrisse in lode della Contessa di Tripoli, che
amò, e appresso cui morì l' anno 1162." (Crescimb. 
Istor. della Volg. Poesia, l. i. p. 6.)— Dante, who was born in 
1265, ascribes the origin of the old romances in prose to the French 
nation, and that of the <emph>volgare poesia</emph> to the
Provençale. "Allegat ergo pro se lingua <emph>Oil</emph> (that is, 
the French) quod propter sui faciliorem et delectabiliorem 
vulgaritatem, quicquid redactum sive inventum est ad vulgare 
prosaicum, suum est, videlicet, biblia cum Trojanorum Romanorumque 
gestibus compilata, et Arturi Regis ambages pulcherrimae, et 
quamplurimae aliae historiae atque doctrinae. Pro se vero argumentatur 
alia, scilicet <emph>Oc</emph> (he means the Provençale)
quòd vulgares eloquentes in ea primitus poëtati sunt, 
tanquam in perfection dulciorique loquelâ, ut puto, Petrus de 
Alverniâ, et alii antiquiores doctores. Tertia, quae Latinorum 
est, (that is, the Italian) se duobus privilegiis attestatur praeesse: 
primo quidem, qui subtilius dulciusque poëtati sunt
<emph>vulgariter,</emph> hi familiares et domestici sui sunt, putà 
Cinus Pistoïensis et amicus ejus (Dante himself): secundo, quia 
magis videntur inniti <emph>grammaticae,</emph> quae communis est." (He 
means the Latin or mother-tongue.) Dante, De Vulgari Eloquentiâ, 
l. i. c. 10.— See also Scaligerana 2da. vol. ii. p. 331.</note>
<pb n="61" xml:id="p1-61"/>
in Germany, and spoke a language only
<pb n="62" xml:id="p1-62"/>
differing in dialect, and alike derived from the old <anchor xml:id="an62_2"/><ref target="#n62_2">Gothic</ref> mother-tongue, it 
is likely that the same kinds of poetry were common to them both.
</p><p>(N. B. It is remarkable that Walafrid Strabo, who died in 840, and other 
writers of that age, call themselves <emph>Barbari,</emph> and their own language 
<emph>Barbarica Locutio.</emph> See Goldastus's notes on Ekeckardus, Res 
Alamannicae, tom. i. part 1, p. 113.)
</p><p>However, we have not now among us any rhymes more ancient than that period, 
which extends from the Conquest in 1066 to the reign of Henry the Second, 
which begun in 1154; our tongue being then much mixed with the Norman-Gallic, 
and degenerating into what Hickes calls the Semi-Saxon, as in the Life of St. 
Margaret.<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-62-1"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>Olde ant yonge, I preit ou oure follies for to <emph>lete,</emph><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-62-2"/></l>
<l>(<emph>Old and young, I pray you your follies for to leave</emph>)</l> 
<l>Thenchet on God, that yef ou wit oure sunnes to <emph>bete.</emph><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-62-3"/></l> 
<l>(<emph>Think on God, that gave you wit your sins to correct.</emph>)</l> 
<l>Here I mai tellen ou wid wordes faire ant swete</l> 
<l>(<emph>Here I may tell you with words fair and sweet</emph>)</l> 
<l>The vie of one meidan was hoten Maregrete.</l> 
<l>(<emph>The life of a maiden was hight Margaret.</emph>)</l> 
<l>Hire fader was a patriac, as ic ou tellen may,</l> 
<l>(<emph>Her father was a patriarch, as I you tell may,</emph>)</l> 
<l>In Auntioge wife <anchor xml:id="an62_27"/><ref target="#n62_27"><emph>eches</emph></ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="4" target="#fn-62-4"/> i the false lay,</l>
</lg></quote>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-62-1">See other examples in Wanley's Catalogue, in John's or Henry the 
Third's reign, p. 79.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-62-2"><emph>Laetan,</emph> Saxon, to let, or permit, whence to let alone, to let 
go.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-62-3"><emph>Betan,</emph> Saxon, to amend, to make better.</note>
<note place="foot" n="4" xml:id="fn-62-4"><emph>Gecas,</emph> Saxon, he chose.</note>
<pb n="63" xml:id="p1-63"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>(<emph>In Antioch a wife he chose in the false law</emph>)</l>
<l>Deve godes and doumbe he served nitt ant day,</l>
<l>(<emph>Deaf gods and dumb he served night and day,</emph>)</l>
<l>So deden mony othere, that singet <emph>weilaway.</emph><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-63-1"/></l>
<l>(<emph>So did many others, that sing wellaway.</emph>) &amp;c. &amp;c.</l>
</lg></quote>
And in those verses preserved in some MSS. in the Bodleian Library, and in 
Trinity College, Cambridge.
<quote>
<lg><anchor xml:id="an63_9"/><l><ref target="#n63_9">Ic am elder</ref> than ic wes, a
wintre ant ec a lore,</l> 
<l>(<emph>I am elder than I was, in winters and eke in learning.</emph>)</l>
<l>Ic ealdi more than ic dede: mi wit oghte to bi more,</l>
<l>(<emph>I grow old more than I did: my wit ought to be more</emph>)</l>
<l>Wel longe ic habbe childe ibien on worde ant on dede,</l>
<l>(<emph>Very long I have a child been in word and in deed</emph>)</l>
<l>Thegh ic bi on winter eald, to giung ic am on <emph>rede,</emph><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-63-2"/>
&amp;c. &amp;c.</l> 
<l>(<emph>Though I be in winters old, too young I am in counsel.</emph>)</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>This is inscribed Parabolae Regis Ælfredi. See J. Spelman's Life of 
Alfred, p. 98.
</p><p>Other examples of ancient rhyme, within the period assigned, may be seen 
in Dr. Hickes, ch. xxiv. from whom I have transcribed the former. Yet though 
this kind of versification<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-63-3"/> prevailed
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-63-1"><emph>Wala-wa,</emph> Saxon, Woe is me!</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-63-2"><anchor xml:id="an63_24"/><ref target="#n63_24"><emph>Rada</emph></ref>,
Saxon, knowledge. <emph>Raed,</emph> Counsel. </note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-63-3">It was towards the end of this period, about ninety years after the 
Conquest, that the Provençal poetry began to flourish, and 
continued in the highest esteem above two hundred years. They wrote 
in rhyme, and were the inventors of a variety of measures. Dante,
Petrarca, &amp;c. in Italy; Helinand, William de Lorry, Jean de Mehun, 
Thibaud, Count of Champagne, in France; and Chaucer, in our own 
tongue, first caught their fire from these writers, and imitated their 
manner, style, and versification. (See Jean de Nôtredame, Lives 
of the Provençal Poets, Lyons, 1575, 8vo.) [p. 64] The 
Sicilians, about the end of the twelfth century, under the reign of 
Robert Guiscard the Norman, King of Naples, first began to imitate 
the Provençal writers in their own tongue, and as the most 
judicious Italians themselves inform us, such as Bembo, Varchi, 
Sansovini, Nicolo Villani, and Crescimbeni. The last of these has 
given us the names of these first Italian poets: "Le rime de' 
Siciliani a noi pervenute sono debolissime e scipite ed infelici, a 
segno che non possono leggersi senza estrema noi a e rincrescimento, 
ancorche sieno de' più rinomati, cioè di Guido e d' Odo 
delle Colonne, di Jacopo da Lentino, dell' Imperador Federigo, e d' 
altri loro pari." (Istor. Volg. Poes. vol. i. l. 1, c. 2, p. 91.) He 
also mentions Ciullo dal Camo, and it appears that the art of 
versifying almost instantaneously diffused itself through Italy, from 
those verses inscribed in Gothic letters on a marble at Florence by 
Ubaldino Ubaldini, as early as the year 1184, which begin,<quote> 
<lg><l>"De favore isto</l><l>Gratias refero Christo,</l><l>Factus in festo
serenae</l><l>Sanctae Mariae Magdalenae;</l><l>Ipsa peculiariter adori</l>
<l>Ad Deum pro me peccatori.</l><l>Con lo mio cantare</l><l>Dallo vero vero 
narrare</l><l>Nulla ne diparto,"  &amp;c.</l></lg></quote> It is not written 
in distinct verses, as here, upon the marble, but like prose, all 
confused together. (Crescimb. Coment. vol. i. l. 1, c. 4,
p. 100.)— Dante observes, "Videtur <emph>Sicilianum Vulgare</emph> 
sibi famain prae aliis asciscere; eò quòd, quicquid 
poëtantur Itali, <emph>Sicilianum</emph> vocatur.— Quòd 
(i. e. tempore illustrium heroum Frederici Caesaris et benegeniti ejus 
Manfredi,) quicquid excellentes Latinorum nitebantur, primitùs
in tantorum coronatorum aulâ prodibat, et quia regale solium 
erat Sicilia, factum est, quicquid nostri predecessores <emph>vulgariter</emph> 
protulerunt, <emph>Sicilianum</emph> vocatur." (Dante de
Vulg. Eloq. l. i. c. 12.)<lb/>The President Fauchet takes pains to 
prove that the people of [p. 65] Normandy, of Provence, of Sicily, 
of Italy, of Spain, &amp;c. all borrowed their rhyme from the Franks; 
and, I own, it wears a face of probability: but then it may be equally 
probable that the Franks borrowed it from the Latin church. He cites 
also the Life of Sancta Fides, in the Catalan dialect of the Spanish 
tongue (it is, he says, as old as the year 1100, and in rhyme), which 
calls the rhyming verses <emph>a lei Francesca,</emph> i. e. a la 
Françoise; (see Acad. des Inscript. vol. xxvi. p. 638) which 
is with allowance for some changes (which length of time will 
inevitably introduce in all languages) the true <emph>Romaun</emph>-tongue 
generally spoken throughout all the Roman Gaul, for many years before 
and after it fell into the hands of the Franks. This appears from the 
famous treaty in A.D. 843, between the sons of Lodovicus Pius, where 
<anchor xml:id="an65_16"/><ref target="#n65_16">the oaths</ref> in the
original tongues (i. e. the Romaun, which was then  
the language of all who lay west of the Meuse, and the Theotische, or 
Frankish, spoken by all the people who lived east of that river,) are 
preserved to us by Nitard, the historian, grandson to Charlemagne: the 
first of these still nearly resembling the Provençal dialect, 
was then called <emph>Rustica Romana.</emph> The Council of Tours, 
assembled in the year 812, has this article: "Quilibet Episcopus 
habeat Omilias, &amp;c. et easdem quisque apertè traducere 
studeat <emph>in Rusticam Romanam linguam et Theotiscam;</emph>" as 
being then the two languages most generally understood. <anchor xml:id="an65_27"/><ref target="#n65_27">The 
Provençal</ref> was only the Latin tongue corrupted and altered a 
little in its terminations by a mixture of the Celtic or Gaulish 
idiom, and afterwards of the Visigoth and Frankish. In the more 
northern provinces of Gaul it received a still stronger tincture of 
the latter, and of the Norman or Danish tongue, and formed the
<emph>Valonne,</emph> or what is now called in France Vieille Gauloise, 
out of which time produced the modern French. But both this and the 
Provençale retained alike, till the fourteenth century, the 
name of <emph>Langue Romande.</emph> (See Fauchet, l. i. c. 3 and 4. 
Duclos, Mem. vol. xv. p. 565, et vol. xvii. p. 171. De l'Acad. des 
Inscript. et Huetiana, p. 41 and 189.</note>
<pb n="64" xml:id="p1-64"/>
by degrees, and grew into general use, it is certain that we retained, even 
so late as Edward the
<pb n="65" xml:id="p1-65"/>
Third's reign, and above a hundred years after, our old Saxon or Danish verse 
without rhyme; for the <anchor xml:id="an65_3"/><ref target="#n65_3">Vision
of Peirce Plowman</ref>, a severe satire 
<pb n="66" xml:id="p1-66"/>
on the times, written by <anchor xml:id="an66_1"/><ref target="#n66_1">Robert Langland</ref> in 1350, is wholly in such
measure, as, <anchor xml:id="an66_3"/><ref target="#n66_3">for
instance</ref>:<quote> 
<lg><l>I <emph>l</emph>oked on my <emph>l</emph>eft halfe,</l> 
<l>As the <emph>l</emph>ady me taught,</l> 
<l>And <emph>w</emph>as <emph>w</emph>are of a <emph>w</emph>oman</l>
<anchor xml:id="an66_7"/><l><ref target="#n66_7"><emph>W</emph>orthylich</ref>
clothed.</l> 
<l><emph>P</emph>urfiled<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-66-1"/> with <emph>p</emph>elure,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-66-2"/></l> 
<l>The finest u<emph>p</emph>on erthe,</l> 
<l><emph>C</emph>rowned with a <emph>c</emph>rowne</l> 
<l>The king hath no better;</l> 
<l><emph>F</emph>etislich<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-66-3"/> her <emph>f</emph>ingers,</l> 
<l>Were <emph>f</emph>retted with gold wiers,</l> 
<l>And thereon <emph>r</emph>ed <emph>r</emph>ubies,</l> 
<l>As <emph>r</emph>ed as any glede,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="4" target="#fn-66-4"/></l> 
<l>And <emph>d</emph>iamonds of <emph>d</emph>earest price,</l> 
<l>And <emph>d</emph>ouble maner saphirs, &amp;c.</l> 
<l rend="indent2">Passus 2<hi rend="sup">dus</hi> in princip.</l></lg></quote>
and thus through the whole poem, which is a long one, with very few 
exceptions, the triple consonance is observed in every distich.
</p><p>Robert Crowley, who printed the first edition of Peirce Plowman's Vision 
in 1550 (dated by mistake 1505) says, that Robert Langland, the author of it, 
"wrote <anchor xml:id="an66_25"/><ref target="#n66_25">altogether in
meter</ref>, but not after the maner of our rimers that write 
now-a-days, for his verses end not alike, for the nature of his meter is to 
have at least thre wordes
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-66-1"><emph>Pourfilé,</emph> Fr. bordered.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-66-2"><emph>Pelure,</emph> furs, from pellis, Lat.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-66-3"><emph>Fetislich,</emph> handsomely.</note>
<note place="foot" n="4" xml:id="fn-66-4"><emph>Gled,</emph> Sax. a burning coal.</note>
<pb n="67" xml:id="p1-67"/>
in every verse, which begin with some one, and the same, letter. The author 
was a Shropshire man, born in Cleybirie, about eight miles from
Malverne-Hills: his worke was written between 1350 and 1409."
</p><p>In the same measure is the poem called "<anchor xml:id="an67_7"/><ref target="#n67_7">Death and Life</ref> in two fitts;" and  
another named <emph>Scottish Field,</emph> which describes the action at Flodden 
in Henry the Eighth's time, who was present in the action, and dwelt at 
Bagily. (I read them in a MS. Collection belonging to the Rev. Mr. <anchor xml:id="an67_12"/><ref target="#n67_12">Thomas Piercy</ref> in 1761.)
</p><p>It cannot be supposed possible to fix exactly the time when rhyme was 
first introduced and practised in a country; but if we trace it back to the 
remotest monuments of the kind now extant, we shall find the aeras nearly 
as follows:
<table style="width: 80%; border: 0">
<row><cell style="width: 65%"/><cell style="width: 15%">Anno Xti.</cell></row>
<row><cell>At Rome before the introduction of Christianity</cell><cell>137</cell></row>
<row><cell>In the Latin Church</cell><cell>420</cell></row>
<row><cell>In use among the Welsh</cell><cell>590</cell></row>
<row><cell>Among the Arabs earlier than</cell><cell>622</cell></row>
<row><cell>Among the Franks, in the old German tongue</cell><cell>873</cell></row>
<row><cell>In Provence, in the dialect of the country</cell><cell>1100</cell></row>
<row><cell>In Italy, in the Latin tongue, after the coming of the 
Normans</cell><cell>1032</cell></row>
<row><cell>In England, in our own tongue, before the year</cell><cell>1154</cell></row>
<row><cell>In France, in the French tongue</cell><cell>1155</cell></row>
<row><cell>In Sicily, and in the rest of Italy, in the Italian tongue, 
before</cell><cell>1187</cell></row>
</table>
<pb n="68" xml:id="p1-68"/>
Any one who considers these several dates, and sees that the fathers and 
priests of the Roman church wrote Latin rhyme early in the fifth century, 
and that the Franks did the same in their own tongue in the ninth, will 
scarcely give credit to <anchor xml:id="an68_6"/><ref target="#n68_6">P. Huet</ref>, who affirms, that the Provençals 
borrowed the art of rhyme from the Arabs. For though it is true that the 
Arabs had practised it before Mahomet's time, and perhaps from the remotest 
antiquity, and that they were in possession of part of Aquitaine from 732 to 
738; which is the most probable of the two, that the Provençals should 
imitate the taste of a nation wholly different from themselves in language, 
religion, and manners, who were but for a small time conversant among them? 
or, that they should copy the Franks, who had reigned over them above two 
hundred years before the arrival of the Arabs, and still continue to do so to 
this day? Indeed, for my own part, I do believe, that neither the one nor the 
other of these nations was the immediate object of their imitation, but rather 
the hymns of the church, and the monkish Latin verses, which were even<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-68-1"/> 
then in vogue all over
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-68-1">Crescimbeni observes that rhyming verses in Latin epitaphs, 
inscriptions, &amp;c. first appeared in Italy, upon the arrival of the 
Normans, who served under Guimaro, Prince of Salerno, in 1032. In that 
city were composed, about the year 1100, the famous medical precepts 
of the Schola Salernitana, addressed to Robert, Duke of [p. 69] 
Normandy, son to William the Conqueror. They are in Latin rhyme, thus:
<quote><lg><l>"Coena brevis, | vel coena levis | fit raro molesta,</l>
<l>Magna nocet, | medicina docet, | res est manifesta," &amp;c.</l> 
</lg></quote> See also Fauchet (l. i. c. 7.) and Maffei (Journal 
Italien, t. i.) "On ne peut nier que la rime ne tire son origine des 
vers rimés et Leonins de la basse Latinité, connus 
uniquement dans des siècles barbares."</note>
<pb n="69" xml:id="p1-69"/>
France at the time, when the earliest Provençal writers attempted to 
rhyme in their own tongue. 
</p><p>This is the opinion of Crescimbeni (Istor. della Poesia, l. i. p. 13), and 
it will appear very natural, if we consider the near affinity of the Latin and 
Provençal tongues; and that they were accustomed to Latin rhymes in 
their books of religion, epitaphs, inscriptions, and other compositions of 
the learned in those days. Besides that in many old Provencal poems the rhyme 
not only appears at the end, but in the<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-69-1"/> middle of a verse, which
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-69-1">Latin rhymes, as it may be well imagined, were nothing the less 
esteemed when people began to rhyme in their own tongue; indeed they 
flourished most when the Provençale poetry was in its dawn. In 
the year 1154 lived Leonius, a canon of St. Benedict at Paris, and 
afterwards a religious of St. Victor, who, for the age he lived in, 
wrote Latin verse in the regular way not contemptibly, as appears 
both in his elegies and in his heroics on sacred subjects; but he 
too gives in to the taste of those times, and writes epistles in 
rhyme to Pope Adrian the Fourth and Alexander the Third, which begin,
<quote><lg><l>"Papa, meas, Adriane, preces, si postulo <emph>dig</emph>na,</l>
<l>Suscipe tam vultu placido, quam mente be<emph>nig</emph>nâ"
&amp;c.</l></lg></quote> And, <quote><lg><l>"Summe Parens hominum, Christi 
devote Mi<emph>nis</emph>ter,</l><l>Pastorum pastor, praeceptorumque
Ma<emph>gis</emph>ter," &amp;c.</l></lg></quote> and upon such verses as these 
(it seems) he built his reputation; [p. 70] so that they have ever 
since borne the name of Leonine verses; and the <emph>rime riche</emph> 
(or double rhyme) even in French verses was of old called <emph>ryme 
Leonine,</emph> or <emph>Leonime.</emph> The ancient Fabliau des trois 
Dames has these lines:<quote><lg><l>"Ma peine mettray, et m'entente,</l> 
<l>A conter un fabliau par ryme</l><l>Sans coulour, et sans
<emph>Leonime,</emph>" &amp;c.</l></lg></quote> So that the rhyme-female was 
not looked upon as a rhyme of two syllables. An old book, printed in 
1493, intitled, "L'Art et Science de Rhetorique pour faire Rhymes et 
Ballades," says, "Ryme Leonisme est, quand deux dictions sont 
semblables et de pareille consonance en syllabes, comme au chapitre 
de jalousie, de Jean de Meung:<quote><lg><l>"Preude femmes, par St. 
Denis,</l><l>Autant est, que de Fenis," &amp;c.</l></lg></quote> But the 
word <emph>Leonimetés</emph> was more particularly applied (it 
seems) to such rhymes as run uninterrupted for many lines together; 
for the Life of St. Christina, written about the year 1300, after 
rhyming in couplets throughout, finishes with these lines:<quote>
<lg><l>"Seigneurs, qui en vos livres par maistrie metez</l><l>Equivocations et 
<emph>leonismetéz,</emph></l><l>Si je tel ne puis faire, ne deprisiez 
mon livre,</l><l>Car qui a trouver n'a soubtil cuer et delivre,</l><l>Et 
<emph>leonismeté</emph> veult par tout a consuivre</l><l>Moult souvent 
entrelest, ce qu'il devoit en suivre."</l></lg></quote> (See  Fauchet,
l. i. c. 8, and Pasquier, l. vii. c. 2. Menage Dictionnaire Etymol. v.
Leonins. Jul. Scaliger Poetice. Naude Mascurat, p. 332.)</note>
<pb n="70" xml:id="p1-70"/>
manner was often imitated by the old Italians, Rinaldo d' Aquino, Dante da 
Majano, Guido Cavalcanti, and others, and is known by the name of "<emph>Rima 
alla Provenzale</emph>" (See Crescimbeni, Comentarj, vol. i. l. 2, c. 19, p. 
178); and that this was the manner of the Latin rhymers is
<pb n="71" xml:id="p1-71"/>
plain from the Schola Salernitana, the Epitaph of Roger, Duke of Sicily, in 
1101;<quote>
<lg><l>Linquens terrenas | migravit dux ad amoenas</l>
<l>Rogerius sedes, | nam caeli detinet aedes:</l></lg></quote>
and the poem <anchor xml:id="an71_5"/><ref target="#n71_5">De Contemptu
Mundi</ref>, written by <anchor xml:id="an71_6-1" n="an71_6"/><ref target="#n71_6">Bernard</ref>, a monk of Cluny, about 
1125, in this measure:<quote>
<lg><l>Hora novissima, tempora pessima sunt, vigi<emph>le</emph>mus:</l> 
<l>Ecce minaciter imminet arbiter ille Su<emph>pre</emph>mus! &amp;c.</l></lg>
<bibl rend="indent4">Fauchet, l. i. c. 7.</bibl>
</quote>
</p><p>Observe, that, if the date of this poem be true, the general opinion, that 
the <anchor xml:id="an71_12"/><ref target="#n71_12">Leonine</ref> verse owes
its name to Leonius, seems to be false; for <anchor xml:id="an71_6-2" n="an71_6"/><ref target="#n71_6">Bernard</ref>,
in a preface prefixed to his own work, calls his own measure "genus metricum, 
dactylum continuum, exceptis finalibus, trochaeo vel spondaeo, tum etiam 
sonoritatem <emph>Leoninicam</emph> servans:" and he mentions Hildebert de 
Laverdin, Bishop of Mans and afterwards of Tours, and Wichard, a canon of 
Lyons, as having written a few things in this measure before him. It is not 
therefore very likely, as Leonius flourished in 1154, that he should give 
name to such Latin verses upwards of thirty years before. Indeed some people 
have thought that it was called after Leo, probably the Second, who lived in 
684, a pope who is said to have reformed the hymns and the music of the 
church. (See Fauchet, l. i. c. 16.)
<pb n="72" xml:id="p1-72"/>
What makes it still more probable that the ancient verses in Latin rhyme 
might give rise to the Provençal and Italian poetry is that mixture 
of different languages which appears in some old compositions, namely, the 
canzone of Rambald de Vacheres (before the year 1226) in five several 
tongues, the Provençal, Tuscan, French, Gascon, and Spanish; the 
strange rhymes of <anchor xml:id="an72_9"/><ref target="#n72_9">Ubaldino the
Florentine</ref>; the canzone of Dante, which begins, 
<quote>
<lg><l>Provenc.     Ahi faulx ris, per qe trai haves</l> 
<l>Lat.             Oculos meos? et quid tibi feci,</l>
<l>Ital.             Chè fatto m' hai così 
spietata fraude? &amp;c. &amp;c.</l></lg></quote>
and the great work, or La Divina Comedia, of the same poet.
<pb n="73" xml:id="p1-73" type="unnumbered"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE USE OF RHYME</head>
<p>The oldest instance which we have of RHYME IN OUR TONGUE (if it be genuine) 
is that <anchor xml:id="an73_3"/><ref target="#n73_3">Tenure of the manor of
Cholmer and Dancing</ref>, preserved in the Exchequer 
Rolls de anno 17 Edw. 2di, (at which time I suppose it was lodged there,) 
being the Grant of Edward the Confessor to Randolph Paperking. It begins:
<quote>
<lg><l>Iche, Edward Konyng,</l>
<l>Have geven of my forest the keeping</l>
<l>Of the hundred of <anchor xml:id="an73_10"/><ref target="#n73_10">Cholmer
and Dancing</ref></l> 
<l>To Randolph <anchor xml:id="an73_11"/><ref target="#n73_11">Paperking</ref>,
and his kindling.</l> 
<l>With heort and hynd, doe and bocke,</l>
<l>Hare and fox, cat and brocke,</l>
<l>Wilde fowell, with his flocke,</l>
<l>Partridge, Fesaunt-hen, and Fesaunt-cocke,</l>
<l>With grene and wild stob and stocke,</l>
<l>To kepen and to yemen by all her might, &amp;c.</l>
</lg></quote>
That King began his reign in 1043, and this grant must have been made before 
1051, when Earl Godwyn rebelled; for Swein, the eldest son of Godwyn, and 
brother to Edward's wife, is named as a witness to it. From that time he was 
in arms against the king till he went to the Holy Land, whence he never 
returned. It is to be observed, that he is here called <emph>Swein of Essex</emph>
(see
<pb n="74" xml:id="p1-74"/>
Camden); yet in reality not he, but his brother Harold, was earl of that 
county and East Anglia: which is a circumstance that may give cause to 
suspect the antiquity of this rhyming donation. 
</p><p>There is another of the same sort preserved by Stow in his Chronicle, and 
transcribed more perfectly by Blount (in his <anchor xml:id="an74_7"/><ref target="#n74_7">Ancient Tenures, p. 102</ref>) from a 
manuscript belonging to Robert Glover in Com. Salop:<quote>
To the heyrs male of the Hopton lawfully begotten, &amp;c.</quote>
</p><p>There is also a poetical History of Great Britain extant, <anchor xml:id="an74_12"/><ref target="#n74_12">about the age of 
Henry the Third</ref>, written in Saxon verse without rhyme: it begins thus:
<quote>
<lg><l>A preost wes in leoden</l>
<l>(<emph>A priest was in the people</emph>)</l>
<anchor xml:id="an74_17"/><l><ref target="#n74_17">Lazamon</ref> wes ihoten</l>
<l>(<emph>Lazamon was hight</emph>)</l>
<l>Lithe him beo drihten</l>
<l>(<emph>Gentle to him be the Lord!</emph>) &amp;c.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>And another in like measure, as old as Henry the Second or Richard the 
First, on King Alfred, as follows:
<quote>
<lg><anchor xml:id="an74_24"/><l><ref target="#n74_24">At Sifforde</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-74-1"/>
seten</l> 
<l>(<emph>At Sifford sate</emph>)</l> 
<l>Theines manie</l> 
<l>(<emph>Thanes many</emph>)</l> 
<l>Fele<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-74-2"/> biscopes</l> 
<l>(<emph>Many bishops</emph>)</l>
</lg></quote>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-74-1">Seaford, <anchor xml:id="an74_30"/><ref target="#n74_30">near
Oxford</ref>.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-74-2"><emph>Fela,</emph> Saxon, many.</note>
<pb n="75" xml:id="p1-75"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>Fele bok-lered</l>
<l>(<emph>Many book-learned</emph>)</l>
<l>Erles prude</l>
<l>(<emph>Earls proud</emph>)</l>
<l>Cnihtes egeleche<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-75-1"/></l>
<l>(<emph>Knights awful</emph>)</l>
<l>Ther was Erl Alfric</l>
<l>(<emph>There was Earl Alfric</emph>)</l>
<l>Of the lage swuthe wis</l>
<l>(<emph>Of the law very wise</emph>)</l>
<l>Ec Alfrede Engle hirde</l>
<l>(<emph>Eke Alfred England's shepherd</emph>)</l>
<l>Engle dirling</l>
<l>(<emph>England's darling</emph>)</l>
<l>On Engelonde he was king</l>
<l>(<emph>In England he was king</emph>)</l>
<l>Hem he gan laren</l>
<l>(<emph>Then he began to learn</emph>)</l>
<l>Swo he heren mighten</l>
<l>(<emph>So as they hear might</emph>)</l>
<l>Hu hi here lif</l>
<l>(<emph>How they their life</emph>)</l>
<l>Leden scolden</l>
<l>(<emph>Lead should</emph>) &amp;c.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>There is a large fragment of this poem printed in J. Spelman's Life of 
Alfred, fol. Oxon., 1678, p. 96.
</p><p>In <anchor xml:id="an75_28"/><ref target="#n75_28">the same manuscript
volume</ref>, with the first of these specimens, are 
preserved <anchor xml:id="an75_30"/><ref target="#n75_30">"The Contention of
the Owl and Nightingale,"</ref> in rhyming verse of 
<anchor xml:id="an75_31"/><ref target="#n75_31">seven syllables</ref>, and
"The Poem on Death," &amp;c. in octosyllabic rhyme.
<quote>
<lg><l>Ich was in one sumere dale</l> 
<l>(<emph>I was in a summer dale</emph>)</l>
</lg></quote>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-75-1"><emph>Egeslice,</emph> Saxon, <emph>Egesa,</emph> dread, fear.</note>
<pb n="76" xml:id="p1-76"/>
<quote>
In one <anchor xml:id="an76_1"/><ref target="#n76_1">snwe</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-76-1"/>
digele<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-76-2"/> hale<lb/>
(<emph>In a hollow secret hole</emph>)<lb/>
<anchor xml:id="an76_3"/><ref target="#n76_3">I herde</ref> ich holde grete
tale<lb/>
(<emph>Heard I hold great talk</emph>)<lb/>
An hule and one nightingale<lb/>
(<emph>An owl and a nightingale</emph>)<lb/>
That <anchor xml:id="an76_7-1" n="an76_7"/><ref target="#n76_7">plait</ref> was stif and <anchor xml:id="an76_7-2" n="an76_7"/><ref target="#n76_7">stare</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-76-3"/> and strong<lb/> 
(<emph>The plea was stiff, and tight and strong</emph>)<lb/>
Sum wile soft and lud among<lb/>
(<emph>Some while soft and loud among</emph>)<lb/>
And <anchor xml:id="an76_11"/><ref target="#n76_11">other agen other</ref>
sval<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="4" target="#fn-76-4"/><lb/>
(<emph>And either against other raged</emph>)<lb/>
And let that <anchor xml:id="an76_13"/><ref target="#n76_13">whole
mod</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="5" target="#fn-76-5"/> ut al<lb/>
(<emph>And let what would their anger out all</emph>)<lb/>
And either seide of otheres <anchor xml:id="an76_15"/><ref target="#n76_15">cust</ref><lb/>
(<emph>And either said at the others cost</emph>)<lb/>
That alere worste that hi wuste<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="6" target="#fn-76-6"/><lb/>
(<emph>All that ever worst they thought</emph>)<lb/>
And <anchor xml:id="an76_19"/><ref target="#n76_19">hure</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="7" target="#fn-76-7"/> and
hure of othere song<lb/>
(<emph>And whore and whore each of the other sung</emph>)<lb/>
Hi holde plaidung suthe stronge<lb/>
(<emph>They hold pleading very strong</emph>) &amp;c.
<p><anchor xml:id="an76_23"/><ref target="#n76_23">ON DEATH, ETC.</ref>
</p><p><lg><anchor xml:id="an76_24"/><l><ref target="#n76_24">Non</ref> mai longe lives
wene,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="8" target="#fn-76-8"/></l>
<l>(<emph>None may long lives ween</emph>)</l>
<l>Ac ofte him lieth the wrench<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="9" target="#fn-76-9"/></l>
<l>(<emph>But oft for him lieth the snare</emph>)</l>
</lg></p></quote>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-76-1">Perhaps from <emph>snidan,</emph> to hew and hollow out.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-76-2"><emph>Digel,</emph> Saxon, secret.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-76-3">I imagine it should be <emph>starc:</emph> Saxon, stiff and hard; by a 
metaphor, inflexible and obstinate.</note>
<note place="foot" n="4" xml:id="fn-76-4"><emph>Swaelan,</emph> Saxon, to kindle, to burn.</note>
<note place="foot" n="5" xml:id="fn-76-5"><emph>Mod,</emph> Saxon, mood, spirit.</note>
<note place="foot" n="6" xml:id="fn-76-6"><emph>Wis, Gewis,</emph> Saxon, knowing, prudent.</note>
<note place="foot" n="7" xml:id="fn-76-7"><emph>Hure,</emph> Saxon, a whore, from <emph>hyran,</emph> to hire.</note>
<note place="foot" n="8" xml:id="fn-76-8"><emph>Wenan,</emph> Saxon, to suppose.</note>
<note place="foot" n="9" xml:id="fn-76-9"><emph>Wrence,</emph> Saxon, a trap or wile.</note>
<pb n="77" xml:id="p1-77"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>Fair wether turneth oft into reine</l> 
<l>(<emph>Fair weather turneth oft into rain</emph>)</l> 
<l>An wunderliche hit maketh his blench</l>
</lg>
<lg><l>Tharfore, man, thu the <anchor xml:id="an77_4"/><ref target="#n77_4">biwench</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-77-1"/></l> 
<l>(<emph>Therefore, Man, thou thee beware;</emph>)</l> 
<l>Al shal falewi<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-77-2"/> the gren</l> 
<l>(<emph>All shall fade away thy green</emph>)</l> 
<l>Weilawai nis kin ne quene</l>
<l>(<emph>Wellaway there is nor king nor queen</emph>)</l> 
<l>That ne scal drinche of deathes drench</l>
<l>(<emph>That shall not drink of Death's drench</emph>)</l> 
<l>Mon er thu falle of thi bench</l> 
<l>(<emph>Man ere thou fall off thy bench</emph>)</l> 
<l>Thine Sun thu aquench<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-77-3"/></l> 
<l>(<emph>Thy Sun thou quench</emph>) &amp;c.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>See also Pope Adrian the Fourth's Paraphrase of the Pater-noster, sent 
to Henry the Second, King of England (in Camden's Remains), and the Poetical 
Version of the Psalms (of Edward the Second's time) cited by Selden in his 
Titles of Honour, p. i. c. 3. The same may be seen in Weever's Funeral 
Monuments, p. 152; see also Scotch rhyme on Edward the First, and the answer 
(ibid. p. 458); Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle.
</p><p>Note. — It appears from a story <anchor xml:id="an77_26"/><ref target="#n77_26">told by Ekkehardus</ref> junior, a monk of 
St. Gall, in his history
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-77-1">Perhaps from <emph>Bewerigan,</emph> Saxon, to beware.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-77-2"><emph>Falewe,</emph> Saxon, a yellow colour. </note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-77-3"><emph>Acwencan,</emph> Saxon, to quench.</note>
<pb n="78" xml:id="p1-78"/>
of that monastery, that early in the <emph>tenth</emph> century the children who 
were educated there were taught to make Latin rhymes without regard to 
quantity and metre, and also verses strictly metrical in the same tongue. 
Ekkehardus says, that when Solomon, Bishop of Constance, a little before his 
death, came into their school, the boys addressed him in both these manners: 
"Parvuli Latinè <emph>pro nosse</emph> (perhaps, <emph>prosaicè</emph>), 
medii rhythmicè, caeteri vero metricè, quasi pro rostris 
rhetoricè etiam affantur; quorum duorum (quoniam a patribus verba 
recepimus) unus inquit,<quote>
<lg><l>Quid tibi fecimus <emph>tale,</emph> | ut nobis facias <emph>male?</emph></l> 
<l>Appellamus <emph>regem,</emph> | quia nostram fecimus <emph>legem:</emph></l>
</lg></quote>at alter versificator inquit,<quote>
<lg><l>Non nobis pia <emph>spes</emph> | fuerat, cum sis novus ho<emph>spes,</emph></l> 
<l>Ut vetus in pe<emph>jus</emph> | transvertere tute velis <emph>jus:</emph>"</l>
</lg></quote>
this prelate died in the year 919.
</p><p>As to those rhyming epitaphs of <anchor xml:id="an78_18"/><ref target="#n78_18">Ethelbert, King of Kent</ref>, <anchor xml:id="an78_20"/><ref target="#n78_20">Laurentius</ref> the 
second Archbishop of Canterbury, &amp;c. said <anchor xml:id="an78_21"/><ref target="#n78_21">by Weever</ref> (pp. 241 and 246) to 
be inscribed on their monuments, in the church of St. Austin's at Canterbury, 
they would carry back the date of Latin rhyme as far as the beginning of the 
seventh century, in England, but I suspect they are of a later date, written 
perhaps in the time of Abbot Scotland, soon after
<pb n="79" xml:id="p1-79"/>
the Conquest; who, I find, rebuilt a great part of the church, and removed 
many of the ancient kings and abbots from the place in which they were first 
interred into the choir, where he erected princely monuments over them. 
(Weever, p. 253.)
<pb n="80" xml:id="p1-80" type="unnumbered"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">ADDITIONAL OBSERVATIONS AND CONJECTURES ON RHYME</head>
<p rend="center">(<emph>From an Essay entitled</emph> "Cambri"<emph>the following 
Remarks are selected as relating to the subject of</emph> Rhyme.)</p>
<p>In the most ancient of the British poets and others, it appears that the 
<emph>Cambri,</emph> or Welsh, originally called themselves <emph>Prydhain,</emph> 
and their country Inis Prydhain, the Isle of Britain. The inhabitants of 
Wales removing their cattle and habitations from place to place, (which is 
still practised in some mountainous parts, and was so universally in former 
ages,) after the custom was disused in England, were called Wallenses, <anchor xml:id="an80_10"/><ref target="#n80_10">from <emph>Walen</emph></ref>, a word
synonymous to that of Nomades. (See Carte's Hist. 
vol. i. p. 5, and p. 108.)
</p><p>The Druidical compositions, which served as a model to Taliessin, Llywark, 
and others of the most ancient and best of the British poets, whose works are 
preserved, and have since served for the foundation of that excellent prosodia 
which they have in the Welsh grammar, and which is perhaps the finest that 
any language affords, were admirably contrived for assisting the memory. 
They were all adapted to music, every word being harmonious, the strongest 
and most expressive
<pb n="81" xml:id="p1-81"/>
repeated in a beautiful manner, and all of them ranged in an order established 
by rules well known and universally received in such compositions; each verse 
so connected with, and dependent on, those which either preceded or followed 
it, that, if any one line in a stanza be remembered, all the rest must of 
course be called to mind, and it is almost impracticable to forget or to 
mistake in any. "The British poetry, as well as the language, hath a 
peculiarity which no other language perhaps in the world hath; so that the 
British poets in all ages, and to this day, call their art <emph>Cyfrinach y 
Beirdd,</emph> or 'The Secret of the Poets.' Knowing this art of the poets, it 
is impossible that any one word of the language, which is to be found in 
poetry, should be pronounced in any other manner than is there used; so that 
without a transformation of the whole language, not one word could be
altered."
</p><p>These are the words of a very judicious antiquary, Mr. <anchor xml:id="an81_21"/><ref target="#n81_21">Lewis Morris</ref>, 
perfectly well versed in the ancient British poets. He adds, though at first 
sight it may be naturally thought that their poetry is clogged with so many 
rules, that it is impossible to write a poem of common sense in the language, 
yet the vast number of flexions of consonants in it, and the variations of 
declensions, &amp;c. make it almost as copious as four or five
<pb n="82" xml:id="p1-82"/>
languages added together; and consequently a poet in the Cambrian language, 
notwithstanding the strictness of his rules, hath as great a scope and use 
of words as in any other tongue whatsoever, as will appear from a perusal 
of the British poets. (Ibid. p. 33.)
</p><p>This "<emph>Secret of the Poets</emph>" is explained to us at large by David 
ap Rhys (or Rhaesus) in his "Linguae Cambro-Britannicae Institutiones," p. 
146, Lond. 1592, 4to. They had nine different measures from verses of three 
to those of eleven syllables, each distinguished by its proper appellation. 
Some of them have been from a very remote antiquity common among us in the 
English tongue, and not improbably might have been borrowed from the Britons, 
as I am apt to believe, that the use of rhyme itself was. I was once, I own, 
of Crescimbeni's opinion, that it was derived from the Roman Church in its 
hymns, and thence passed to the people of Provence. But if we consider that, 
some few slight traces of rhyme among the Romans excepted, there is nothing 
of their hymns, or sequentiae, written in that manner earlier than the time 
of Pope Gregory the Great, in the end of the sixth century; and at the same 
time that it was regularly and very artificially practised among the Britons 
in a variety of measures, and these too of a peculiar contrivance,
<pb n="83" xml:id="p1-83"/>
and (as men of letters acquainted with the language assure us) full of 
poetical spirit and enthusiasm: if we consider also how well adapted the 
division and rhyme of their poetry is to assist the memory, and that the 
British Druids (once the priesthood of the nation) delivered all the 
precepts of their doctrine in verse, which never was to be committed to 
writing, we may easily enough be induced to believe that these bards of the 
sixth century practised an art which they had received by tradition from the 
times of the Druids, and, though the precepts of their superstition had been 
laid aside and forgotten at the introduction of Christianity, yet the traces 
of their harmony did remain.
</p><p>That the Saxons, who had <anchor xml:id="an83_16"/><ref target="#n83_16">no rhyme</ref> among them, might borrow both that and 
some of the measures still in use <anchor xml:id="an83_19"/><ref target="#n83_19">from their neighbours the Britons</ref>, seems 
probable to me, though at what time they did it is very uncertain. For above 
one hundred and fifty years after the Saxon invasion the two nations had no 
other commerce than in the rough intercourse of war, and seemed to breathe 
nothing but inextinguishable hatred and mutual defiance. But Christianity 
(it is likely) something softened their spirits, and brought the Britons to 
regard their bitter enemies, who were now no longer pagans, as their brethren 
and their fellow-creatures.
<pb n="84" xml:id="p1-84"/>
If any one ask, why (supposing us to have first borrowed our rhyme from the 
Britons) no memorial of it is left in England earlier than the Conquest, nay, 
perhaps than Henry the Second's reign, which is about four hundred and fifty 
years after our connection with the Welsh, I answer, the fact is not certainly 
true; for there are some few rhymes recorded as old as the beginning of the 
tenth century, witness <anchor xml:id="an84_9"/><ref target="#n84_9">Athelstan's donation</ref> to Beverley Minster; and, in
the succeeding century, the freedom of Coventry <anchor xml:id="an84_11"/><ref target="#n84_11">granted to Earl Leofric</ref>, and the 
Tenure of Cholmer and Dancing in Essex, attributed to Edward the Confessor. 
But if these should be only the fictions of after-ages, can any one tell me 
why the Franks, who, as we know, wrote rhyme in their own<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-84-1"/> tongue
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-84-1">As we have no reason to imagine that the Gothic nations of the north 
made any use of rhyme in their versification, and as the Franks appear 
to be the first who practised it (three hundred and fifty years after 
they conquered Gaul), it seems highly probable that they borrowed it 
from the natives of this country, to whom it must have been familiar 
at least three hundred years before. For, as we know that the Britons 
had it so early, who spoke the same tongue with the Gauls, and 
delivered to them the precepts of their religion and philosophy in 
verse, these latter could not possibly be ignorant of their poetry, 
which they imitated in their own country. Nor is it probable that the 
government of the Romans had obliterated all traces of their ancient 
arts and learning in the minds of the Gauls, since it had not made 
them forget their ancient language. It is plain, that in the fifth 
century the Arverni still spoke the Celtic tongue, from a letter of 
Sidonius Apollinaris (l. iii. ep. 3), and that it was still understood 
in the ninth century, appears from the Life [p. 85] of St. Germain, 
written in the reign of Charles the Bald, by Heric, a monk of Auxerre, 
wherein he interprets the names of several cities in Gaul. (See 
Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, vol. xx. pp. 
43 and 44.)</note>
<pb n="85" xml:id="p1-85"/>
in the ninth century, should have nothing to produce of rhyme in the French 
or Provençal language till almost two hundred and fifty years 
afterwards? Why have they no monument at all, preserved in their ancient 
tongue, of the Gothic poetry, though for so many years they bordered on the 
Anglo-Saxons in Germany who practised it, a people of like origin and manners, 
and who probably spoke the same tongue? Why have these Saxons themselves, for 
above three hundred years after they landed in this island, no verses of this 
sort remaining, but a small <anchor xml:id="an85_13"/><ref target="#n85_13">fragment of Caedmon</ref>, preserved in a book of King 
Alfred's? Why have the Normans nothing at all of this kind extant among them 
after their arrival in France? Who can account for the caprice of time, and 
shew why one monument has, and another has not, escaped the wreck of ages? 
Perhaps rhyme might begin among the common people, and be applied only to the 
meaner species of poetry, adages, songs, and vulgar histories, passing by 
tradition from one to another; while the clergy and others, who possessed what 
literature there was in the nation, either wrote in the Latin tongue, or in 
the measures peculiar to their
<pb n="86" xml:id="p1-86"/>
country and language, which by a very natural prejudice they would prefer to 
those of a conquered people, especially as poesy had been cultivated among 
them, and in the highest esteem for ages past; and their <emph>Scalds</emph> were 
as necessary in their armies, and in the courts of their princes, as either 
Druid or bard among the Britons. After the Normans came over, and had 
introduced so much of the French (or Roman) tongue among us, rhyme must of 
course grow prevalent and familiar in England, especially when Henry the 
Second (himself an Angevin, and educated in France) had married the heiress 
of Aquitaine, where the Provençal school first began about fifty 
years before, and was at that time in the highest reputation.
<pb n="87" xml:id="p1-87" type="unnumbered"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">SOME REMARKS ON THE POEMS OF JOHN LYDGATE</head>
<p>John Lydgate was born at a place of that name in Suffolk, about the year 
1370.<quote>
<lg><l>I followed after, fordulled for rudenèss,</l> 
<l>More than three scorè yerès set my date.</l> 
<l>Lustè of youth, passed his freshĕnesse,</l> 
<l>Colours of rhetorike, to help me translate,</l> 
<l>Were faded away; I was born in Lydgate</l> 
<l>Where Bacchus' licour doth ful scarsely flete,</l> 
<l>My dry soul for to dewè and to wete.</l> 
<l rend="indent">Prologue to Book viii. by Bochas on the Fall of Princes.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>This work, he tells us, was begun while Henry the Sixth was in France, 
where that King never was but when he went to be crowned at Paris in 1432, 
so that if Lydgate were then upwards of threescore, he must have been born 
at the time I have assigned; and Tanner says that he was ordained a deacon 
<anchor xml:id="an87_17"/><ref target="#n87_17">in 1393</ref>, which is
usually done in the twenty-third year of a man's age. He 
was a monk of the Benedictine order at St. Edmund's Bury, and in 1423 was 
elected prior of <anchor xml:id="an87_21"/><ref target="#n87_21">Hatfield-Brodhook</ref>, but the following year had
license to 
return to his convent again. His condition, one would imagine, should have 
supplied him with the necessaries of life, yet he more than once complains 
to his great patron the protector,
<pb n="88" xml:id="p1-88"/>
Humphry, Duke of Gloucester, of his wants, and he shews, particularly in the 
passage above, that he did not dislike a little more wine than the Convent 
allowed him.
</p><p>After enumerating the principal English poets who lived before him, whose 
merit he does not pretend to equal, he says,
<quote>
<lg><l>But I, who stand low downè in the vale,</l>
<l>So grete a booke in Englyshe to translate,</l>
<l>Did it by constrainte, and no presumption,</l>
<l>Born in a village, which is called Lydgate</l>
<l>By oldè time a famous castel towne,</l>
<l>In Danès time it was beatè down,</l>
<l>Time what St. Edmund's martir, maid and king,</l>
<l>Was slaine at Oxford, récorde of writing, &amp;c.    
Epilogue.</l></lg></quote> 
</p><p>There are a few other things in this work of Lydgate's which have no 
connection with his merit as a poet, but are curious as they relate to the 
history and manners of the times in which he lived. Thus in book viii. c. 24, 
we see that wine was still made in England in Henry the Sixth's reign, and 
that Hampshire was famous for it; so that the reason assigned for neglecting 
the culture of vines, I mean, that we could have so much better wines from 
our French dominions, is not true; and indeed a few years after this we lost 
all our conquests and territories in that country.
<quote>
<lg><l>London<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-88-1"/> hath shippis by the sea to saile,</l>
<l>Bacchus at Winchester greatly doth availe,</l> 
</lg></quote>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-88-1">It may be worth while to compare this passage with a similar [p. 89] 
one in Robert of Gloucester, who wrote (near two hundred years before) 
in the days of Henry the Third.<quote>
<lg><l rend="indent">In the country of Canterbury most plenty of fish is,</l> 
<l>And most chase of wild beasts about Salisbury, I wis,</l> 
<l>And London ships most, and wine at Winchester,</l> 
<l>At Hartford sheepe and oxe, and fruit at Worcester,</l> 
<l>Soape about Coventry, and iron at Glocester,</l> 
<l>Metall, lead, and tinne in the countie of Exeter,</l> 
<l>Everwicke* of fairest wood, Lincolne† of fairest men,</l> 
<l>Cambridge and Huntingdon most plentie of deep venne,</l> 
<l>Elie of fairest place, of fairest sight Rochester, &amp;c.</l>
<l rend="indent2">(In Camden's Remains, p. 8.)</l> 
<l>* <emph>Eboracum,</emph> York.</l>
<l>† Testis Lincolnie, gens infinita decore,</l> 
<l>Testis Ely formosa situ, Roucestria visu.</l>
<l rend="indent2">(Liber Costumorum.)</l> </lg></quote></note>
<pb n="89" xml:id="p1-89"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>Worcester with fruits aboundeth at the full,</l> 
<l>Hertford with beastis, Cotiswold with wooll.</l>
<l rend="indent">Bath hath hot bathes holesome for medicine,</l> 
<l>Yorke mighty timber for great ávauntage,</l> 
<l>Cornĕwall miners in to mine,—</l> 
<l>And Salisbury has beastès full savàge,</l> 
<l>Wheate meale and hony plentie for every age:</l> 
<l>Kent and Canterbury hath great commoditie,</l> 
<l>Of sondrie fishes there taken in the sea.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>We may remark too the notion then current in Britain, that <anchor xml:id="an89_11"/><ref target="#n89_11">King Arthur 
was not dead</ref>, but translated to Fairy-Land, and should come again to
restore the Round Table:<quote>
<lg><l>This errour<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-89-1"/> abideth yet among Britons,</l> 
<l>Which founded is upon the prophesie</l></lg></quote>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-89-1">Peter of Blois, who lived in 1170, says ironically, in his Epistles,
57:<quote><lg><l>"Quibus si credideris,</l><l>Expectare poteris</l><l>Arturum 
cum Britonibus."</l></lg></quote></note>
<pb n="90" xml:id="p1-90"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>Of old Merlin, like their opinion;</l>
<l>He as a king is crowned in faërie,</l>
<l>With scepter and sworde, and with his regalie</l>
<l>Shall resort as lord and soveraine</l>
<l>Out of faerie, and reigne in Britaine, &amp;c.</l>
<l rend="indent3">B. viii. c. 24.</l>
</lg></quote>
And we may remark also the opinion, then prevailing, that a decisive victory 
was a certain proof of the justice of the conqueror's cause, which was but 
natural among a people which for ages had been taught to refer even civil 
causes to a decision by combat.
</p><p>It seems that Lydgate was little acquainted with the Latin tongue, whatever 
he might be with the Italian and French, in which Bishop Tanner says he was 
well skilled, having travelled in both those countries; for he says himself,
<quote>
<lg><l>I never was acquaintedde with Virgìle,</l>
<l>Nor with the sugared ditties of Homère,</l>
<l>Nor <anchor xml:id="an90_20"/><ref target="#n90_20">Dares Phrygius</ref> withe
his goldenne stile,</l>
<l>Nor with Ovide in poetry most entère,</l>
<l>Nor with the sovereign ballades of Chaucère,</l>
<l>Which, amonge all that ever were redde or sunge,</l>
<l>Excelled all other in our Englishe tungue.</l>
<l rend="indent">I cannot ben a judge in this mattère,</l> 
<l>As I conceive, following my fantaisie;</l> 
<l>In moral matter notable was <anchor xml:id="an90_27"/><ref target="#n90_27">Gowère</ref>,</l> 
<l>And so was Strode in his philosophie,</l> 
<l>In perfite living, which passith poesie,</l> 
<anchor xml:id="an90_30"/><l><ref target="#n90_30">Richard Hermite</ref>,
contemplatif of sentènce,</l> 
<l>Drough in Englishe, <emph>the Pricke of Conscience.</emph></l> 
<l rend="indent">As the gold-crested brightè summer-sunne</l> 
<l>Passith other sterres with his bemès cleare,</l> 
<l>And as Lucina chases setès downe</l>
</lg></quote>
<pb n="91" xml:id="p1-91"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>The frostie nights when Hesperus doth appere,</l> 
<l>Righte soe my master haddè never peere,</l> 
<l>I mean Chaucère in stories, that he tolde,</l> 
<l>And he also wrote tragedïes olde.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>But this perhaps<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-91-1"/> is only an affectation of great humility and 
modesty, which was common to all these ancient writers; for however little 
he might be <emph>acquainted</emph> with Homer and Virgil, it is certain that he 
was very much so with Chaucer's compositions, whom he calls his master, and 
who (as I imagine) was so in a literal sense. It is certain that Lydgate was 
full thirty years of age when Chaucer<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-91-2"/> died. But whatever his skill 
were in the learned languages, it is sure that he has not taken his "Fall of 
Princes" <anchor xml:id="an91_15"/><ref target="#n91_15">from the original
Latin</ref><ptr type="noteAnchor" n="3" target="#fn-91-3"/>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-91-1">So in <anchor xml:id="an91_16"/><ref target="#n91_16">Machabrées Daunce of Death</ref>, 
paraphrased from the French, 
he says:<quote><lg><l>"Have me excused, my name is John Lydgate,</l>
<l>Rude of languàge; I was not born in France,</l><l>Her curious 
metres in Englishe to translate:</l><l>Of other tongue I have noe 
suffisaunce."</l></lg></quote></note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-91-2">See Lydgate's Life of the Virgin Mary, cap. xxxiv. and in "The 
Pylgrimage of the Soul," printed by Caxton, 1483, c. xxxiv. which is 
the same, and seems to shew this latter translation to be Lydgate's 
also.</note>
<note place="foot" n="3" xml:id="fn-91-3">Boccacius, de Casibus Illustrium Virorum is (like the rest of his 
Latin works and those of his master Petrarch) now little read or 
esteemed by any body; it is written in a kind of poetical prose; the 
parties concerned are introduced as passing in review before him, as 
in a vision, and recounting their own catastrophe, and it is 
interspersed with the author's moral reflections upon each of their 
histories.</note>
<pb n="92" xml:id="p1-92"/>
prose of Boccaccio, but from a French translation of it by one Laurence, as 
he tells us himself in the beginning of his work. It was indeed rather a 
paraphrase than a translation, for he took the liberty of making several 
additions, and of reciting more at large many histories, which Boccaccio had 
slightly passed over:<quote>
<lg><l>And he<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-92-1"/> sayeth eke, that his entencyon</l> 
<l>Is to amend, correcten, and declare,</l> 
<l>Not to condemne of no presumpcyon,</l> 
<l>But to supportè plainly and to spare</l> 
<l>Thing touched shortly of the storie bare,</l> 
<l>Under a stile briefe and compendious,</l> 
<l>Them to prolong when they be virtuous.</l> 
<l rend="indent">For a storye which is not plainly tolde,</l> 
<l>But constreyned under wordes few,</l> 
<l>For lacke of truth, wher they ben new or olde,</l> 
<l>Men by reporte cannot the matter shewe:</l> 
<l>These oakès greatè be not down yhewe</l> 
<l>First at a stroke, but by a long <emph>processe,</emph></l>
<l>Nor long stories a word may not expresse.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p>These <anchor xml:id="an92_22"/><ref target="#n92_22">"<emph>long
processes</emph>"</ref> indeed suited wonderfully with the 
attention and simple curiosity of the age in which Lydgate lived. Many a 
<emph>stroke</emph> have he and the best of his contemporaries spent upon a 
<emph>sturdy old story,</emph> till they had blunted their own edge and that of 
their readers; at least a modern reader will find it so: but it is a folly 
to judge of the understanding and of the patience of
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-92-1">i. e. Laurence.</note>
<pb n="93" xml:id="p1-93"/>
those times by our own. They loved, I will not say tediousness, but length 
and a train of circumstances in a narration. The vulgar do so still: it 
gives an air of reality to facts, it fixes the attention, raises and keeps 
in suspense their expectation, and supplies the defects of their little and 
lifeless imagination; and it keeps pace with the slow motion of their own 
thoughts. Tell them a story as you would tell it to a man of wit, it will 
appear to them as an object seen in the night by a flash of lightning; but 
when you have placed it in various lights and in various positions, they 
will come at last to see and feel it as well as others. But we need not 
confine ourselves to the vulgar, and to understandings beneath our own. 
<emph>Circumstance</emph> ever was, and ever will be, the life and the essence 
both of oratory and of poetry. It has in some sort the same effect upon 
every mind that it has upon that of the populace; and I fear the quickness 
and delicate impatience of these polished times, in which we live, are but 
the forerunners of the decline of all those beautiful arts which depend upon 
the imagination.
</p><p>Whether these apprehensions are well or ill grounded, it is sufficient 
for me that Homer, <anchor xml:id="an93_26"/><ref target="#n93_26">the
father of <emph>circumstance</emph></ref>, has occasion for the 
same apology which I am making for Lydgate and for his predecessors. Not that 
I pretend to make any
<pb n="94" xml:id="p1-94"/>
more comparison between his beauties and theirs, than I do between the 
different languages in which they wrote. Ours was indeed barbarous enough at 
that time, the orthography unsettled, the syntax very deficient and confused, 
the metre<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-94-1"/> and
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-94-1">I am inclined to think, (whatever Mr. Dryden says in the preface to 
his tales) that their metre, at least in serious measures and in 
heroic stanzas, was uniform; not indeed to the eye, but to the ear, 
<emph>when rightly pronounced.</emph> We undoubtedly destroy a great part 
of the music of their versification by laying the accent of words, 
where nobody <emph>then</emph> laid it; for example, in the lines cited 
above, if we pronounce entēncion, presūmpcion, 
compēndious, vērtuous, prōcesse, &amp;c. in the 
manner in which we do in our own age, it is neither verse nor rhyme; 
but Lydgate and his contemporaries undoubtedly said, entenciōn, 
compendioūs, procēsse, &amp;c. as the French (from whom 
those words were borrowed) do at this day, <emph>intentiōn, 
compendieūx, procēs.</emph><lb/>
We may every day see instances of this: the better sort of people 
affect to introduce many words from that language, some of which 
retain their original accent for many years, such as
<emph>fracās, eclāt, ennūi,</emph> &amp;c.: others, 
by coming more into vulgar use, lose it and assume the English accent, 
as rīdicule, rāillery, éclāircissement, 
advērtisement, hāutgout, &amp;c. Another peculiarity 
in the old pronunciation was that of liquefying two syllables into 
one, especially where there was a liquid consonant in either of them, 
as,<quote>"Which among all that <emph>ever</emph> were redde or 
sunge"—</quote>Or,<quote>"Of right <emph>consid'</emph>red
of truth and equitè."</quote>Here undoubtedly
"<emph>ever</emph>" in the first line was pronounced as one syllable, and 
"<emph>consid'red,</emph>" in the second line, as two syllables. We cannot 
wonder at this, because we do it still; "<emph>memo</emph>ry,
<emph>heaven</emph>ly, <emph>eve</emph>ry," &amp;c. naturally of three 
syllables, are, when spoken, of two only; "<emph>giv</emph>en,
<emph>driv</emph>en," &amp;c. which should be of two, are reduced only to 
one syllable. It is true, that we are uniform in this, and pronounce 
such words always alike in prose and verse, and we have thrown out 
the vowel (to the great detriment of our language) in the [p. 95] 
end of all our participles-past, as "awaken'd, bless'd, damag'd, 
troubl'd," &amp;c. by which they either lose a syllable quite, or 
(what is worse) that syllable is pronounced, and yet consists of 
nothing but consonants. The ancients, I imagine, did the same, but 
not uniformly, either opening or contracting such words to suit the 
necessities of <emph>their</emph> measure. They also at pleasure united 
two syllables, where one ended, and the other begun with a vowel; as,
<quote>"Ĭn pērfĭt līvĭng, 
whīch păssīth poĕsīe"—
</quote>Or,<quote>"Nor with Ŏvīde ĭn 
<emph>pōe</emph>try mōst ĕntēre—"
</quote><emph>Poesie</emph> and <emph>poetry</emph> were dissyllables: 
and this they did even where the syllables were in two different 
words, as<quote>"Shall foll<emph>ŏw a</emph>
sprīng-floŏde ōf grăciōūs 
plĕntīe."—</quote> The syllables I have 
marked were melted into one, as well in "foll<emph>ow a,</emph>" as in 
"graciōūs." They carried it still further, and cut off 
a syllable where the accent did not fall upon it, even before a 
consonant, as,<quote>"Caūse ŏf mў
sōr<emph>row</emph>e, roōte ŏf mў
hēavĭnēsse;"</quote> here "sor<emph>row</emph>"
lost its last syllable entirely. These liberties may be justified by 
our use of the particle "<emph>the</emph>" in verse, which we sometimes 
sink, and sometimes pronounce distinctly before a vowel; and not many 
years ago it was frequently cut off even before a consonant.</note>
<pb n="95" xml:id="p1-95"/>
the number of syllables left to the ear alone; and yet, with all its rudeness,
our tongue had then acquired an energy and a plenty by the adoption of a
variety of words borrowed from the French, the Provençal, and the 
Italian, about the middle of the fourteenth century, which at this day our 
best writers seem to miss and to regret; for many of them have gradually 
dropped into disuse, and are only now to be found in the remotest counties 
of England.
<pb n="96" xml:id="p1-96"/>
Another thing, which perhaps contributed in a degree to the making <anchor xml:id="an96_2"/><ref target="#n96_2">our ancient poets 
so voluminous</ref>, was the great facility of rhyming, which is now 
grown so difficult; words of two or three syllables, being then newly taken 
from foreign languages, did still retain their original accent, and that 
accent (as they were mostly derived from the French) fell, according to the 
genius of that tongue, upon the last syllable;<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-96-1"/> which, if it had still 
continued among us, had been a great advantage to our poetry. Among the Scotch 
this still continues in many words; for they<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-96-2"/> say, envȳ,
practīse, pensīve, positīve, &amp;c.: but we, in process 
of time, have accustomed ourselves to throw back all our accents upon the 
antepenultima, in words of three or more syllables, and of our dissyllables 
comparatively but a few are left, as despāir, disdāin,
repēnt, pretēnd, &amp;c. where the stress is not laid on the 
penultima. By this mean we are almost reduced to find our rhymes among the 
monosyllables, in which our tongue
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-96-1">Except in words which end with an <emph>e</emph> mute, which being always 
pronounced in verse by the French, and making a distinct syllable, the 
accent is laid upon the penultima: in such words our ancestors either 
pronounced the finishing <emph>e</emph>, or dropped it entirely, as the 
French themselves do in common conversation. This, I conceive, was 
one of our poetical licenses.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-96-2">In Waller's time only we said commērce, triūmph,
&amp;c. with the accent on the last syllable.</note>
<pb n="97" xml:id="p1-97"/>
too much abounds, a defect which will for ever hinder it from adapting itself 
well to music, and must be consequently no small impediment to the sweetness 
and harmony of versification. I have now before me Pope's ethic epistles, the 
first folio edition, which I open at random, and find in two opposite pages 
(beginning with <quote>Who but must laugh, the master when he sees,
&amp;c.</quote> in the Epistle on Taste to Lord Burlington) in the 
compass of forty lines only seven words at the end of a verse which are not 
monosyllables: there is indeed one which is properly a dissyllable,
<emph>hēavēn,</emph> but cruel constraint has obliged our poets to 
make it but one syllable (as indeed it is in common pronunciation), otherwise 
it would not have been any single rhyme at all. Thus our too numerous 
monosyllables are increased, and consonants crowded together till they can 
hardly be pronounced at all; a misfortune which has already happened to the 
second person singular perfect in most of our verbs, such as, thou stood'st, 
gav'st, hurt'st, laugh'dst, uprear'dst, built'st, &amp;c. which can scarcely 
be borne in prose. Now as to trissyllables, as their accent is very rarely on 
the last, they cannot properly be any rhymes at all: yet nevertheless I highly 
commend those who have judiciously and sparingly introduced them
<pb n="98" xml:id="p1-98"/>
as such. Dryden, <emph>in whose admirable ear the music of our old versification 
still sounded,</emph> has frequently done it in his Tales, and elsewhere. Pope 
does it now and then, but seems to avoid it as licentious. If any future 
Englishman can attain that height of glory, to which <emph>these two poets</emph> 
have risen, let him be less scrupulous, upon reflecting, that to poetry 
languages <anchor xml:id="an98_8"/><ref target="#n98_8">owe their first
formation</ref>, elegance, and purity; that our own, 
which was naturally rough and barren, borrowed from thence its copiousness 
and its ornaments; and that the authority of such a poet may perhaps redress 
many of the abuses which time and ill custom have introduced, the poverty of 
rhyme, the crowd of monosyllables, the collision of harsh consonants, and the 
want of picturesque expression, which, I will be bold to say, our language 
labours under <emph>now</emph> more than it did a hundred years ago.
</p><p>To return to Lydgate. I do not pretend to set him on a level with his 
master, Chaucer, but he certainly comes <anchor xml:id="an98_22"/><ref target="#n98_22">the nearest to him</ref> of any contemporary 
writer, that I am acquainted with. His choice of expression, and the 
smoothness of his verse, far surpass both Gower and Occleve. He wanted not 
art in raising the more tender emotions of the mind, of which I might give 
several examples. The first is, of that sympathy which
<pb n="99" xml:id="p1-99"/>
we feel for humble piety and contrition: Constantine is introduced making his 
confession and returning thanks to heaven in sight of the Roman people, after 
he had been cured of a grievous malady by the water of baptism;<quote>
<lg><l rend="indent">His crown he tooke, and kneeling thus he said,</l> 
<l>With wepinge eyen and voice lamentàble,</l> 
<l>And for sobbȳnge so as he might abbrayde;</l> 
<l>"O blessed Jesu, O Lord most merciàble,</l> 
<l>Lettè my teares to thee be acceptàble,</l> 
<l>Receive my prayer, my rèquest not refuse,</l> 
<l>As man most sinful, I may not me excuse.</l>
<l rend="indent">"I occupied the state of the emperoùr,</l> 
<l>Of thy martyrs I shedde the holye blood,</l> 
<l>Sparèd no saintes in my cruel erròur,</l> 
<l>Them to pursue most furious and woode;</l> 
<l>Now blessed Jesu, gracious and most good,</l> 
<l>Peysed<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-99-1"/> and considred mine importàble<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="2" target="#fn-99-2"/> offènce,</l>
<l>I am not worthy to come in thy presènce,</l>
<l rend="indent">"Nor for to enter into this holy place,</l> 
<l>Upon this ground unable for to dwell,</l> 
<l>To open my eyen, or lift up my face;</l> 
<l>Butte of thy mercy (so thou mee not repell)</l> 
<l>As man most sinfull I come unto the welle,</l> 
<l>Thy welle of grace and merciful pitye,</l> 
<l>For to be washed of mine iniquity."</l>
<l rend="indent">This example in open hath he shewed,</l> 
<l>His state imperial of mekeness laid aside,</l> 
<l>His purple garment with teares all bedewed,</l> 
<l>Sworde, nor sceptèrre, ne horse whereon to ride,</l> 
<l>There was none seen, nor banners splayed wide,</l> 
<l>Of martial triumphs was no token founde,</l> 
<l>But, crying mercy, the emperour lay plat on the ground.</l>
<l rend="indent">The people's gladness was meddled with wepinge,</l> 
<l>And theire wepynge was meddled with gladnèss,</l>
</lg></quote>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-99-1"><emph>Pesè,</emph> weighed.</note>
<note place="foot" n="2" xml:id="fn-99-2">Insupportable.</note>
<pb n="100" xml:id="p1-100"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>To see an emperour and so noble a king,</l> 
<l>Of his free choyce to shew soe great mekenèss;</l> 
<l>Thus intermeddled was joy and heavyness,</l> 
<l>Heavyness far passed oldè vengĕaūnce,</l> 
<l>With newe rejoising of ghostly repentaunce.</l>
<l rend="indent4">Book viii. fol. 184.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>Of the same kind is the prayer of Theodosius before he engaged in battle 
with Arbogastes (in the same book, fol. 188). A second instance of the 
pathetic, but in a different way, I shall transcribe from the first book, 
fol. 39, to shew how far he could enter into the distresses of love and of 
maternal fondness. Canace, condemned to death by Æolus her father, 
sends to her guilty brother Macareus the last testimony of her unhappy 
passion:<quote>
<lg><l>Out of her swoonè when she did abbraide,</l> 
<l>Knowing no mean but death in her distrèsse,</l> 
<l>To her brother full piteouslie she said,</l> 
<l>"Cause of my sorrowe, roote of my heavinesse,</l> 
<l>That whilom were the sourse of my gladnèsse</l> 
<l>When both our joyes by wille were so disposed,</l> 
<l>Under one key our hearts to be inclosed.</l>
<l rend="indent">.     .     .     .    
.     .     .     .     .</l> 
<l rend="indent">This is mine end, I may it not astarte;</l> 
<l>O brother mine, there is no more to saye;</l> 
<l>Lowly beseeching with all mine whole hearte</l> 
<l>For to remember specially, I praye,</l> 
<l>If it befall my littel sonne to dye,</l> 
<l>That thou mayst after some mynd on us have,</l> 
<l>Suffer us both be buried in one grave.</l>
<l rend="indent">I hold him streitly twene my armès twein,</l> 
<l>Thou and natùre laidè on me this charge;</l></lg></quote>
<pb n="101" xml:id="p1-101"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>He, guiltlesse, mustè with me suffer paine:</l> 
<l>And sith thou art at freedome and at large</l> 
<l>Let kindness oure love not so discharge,</l> 
<l>But have a minde, wherever that thou be,</l> 
<l>Once on a day upon my child and me.</l>
<l rend="indent">On thee and me dependeth the trespàce,</l> 
<l>Touching our guilt and our great offence,</l> 
<l>But, welaway! most àngelik of face</l> 
<l>Our childè, young in his pure innocence,</l> 
<l>Shall agayn right suffer death's violence,</l> 
<l>Tender of limbes, God wote, full guiltĕless,</l> 
<l>The goodly faire, that lieth here speechlèss.</l>
<l rend="indent">A mouth he has, but wordis hath he none;</l> 
<l>Cannot complaine, alas! for none outràge,</l> 
<l>Nor grutcheth not, but lies here all alone,</l> 
<l>Still as a lambe, most meke of his visàge.</l> 
<l>What heart of stele could do to him damàge,</l> 
<l>Or suffer him dye, beholding the manere</l> 
<l>And looke benigne of his tweine eyen clere?"</l>
<l rend="indent4">B. i. fol. 39.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>I stop here, not because there are not great beauties in the remainder 
of this epistle, but because Lydgate, in the three last stanzas of this 
extract, has touched the very heart-springs of compassion with so masterly a 
hand, as to merit a place among the greatest poets. The learned reader will 
see the resemblance they bear to one of the most admirable remnants of all 
antiquity, I mean <anchor xml:id="an101_29"/><ref target="#n101_29">the
fragment of Simonides</ref> (unhappily it is but a fragment) 
preserved to us by Dionysius Halicarnassensis; and yet, I believe, that no 
one will imagine that Lydgate had ever seen, or heard of it. As to Ovid, from 
whom Boccaccio might
<pb n="102" xml:id="p1-102"/>
borrow many of his ideas in this story, it will be easily seen, upon 
comparison, how far our poet has surpassed him. He finishes his narration in 
this manner:<quote>
<lg><l rend="indent">Writing her letter, awhapped all in drede,</l> 
<l>In her right hand her penne ygan to quake,</l> 
<l>And a sharp sword to make her heartè blede,</l> 
<l>In her left hand her father hath her take,</l> 
<l>And most her sorrowe was for her childes sake,</l> 
<l>Upon whose facè in her barme sleepȳnge</l> 
<l>Full many a tere she wept in cōmplăynȳng.</l>
<l rend="indent">After all this, so as she stoode and quoke,</l> 
<l>Her child beholding mid of her peines smart,</l> 
<l>Without abode the sharpè sword she tooke,</l> 
<l>And rove herselfè even to the hearte;</l> 
<l>Her child fell down, which mightè not astert,</l> 
<l>Having no help to succour him, nor save,</l> 
<l>But in her blood the selfe began to bathe.</l>
<l rend="indent4">B. i. fol. 39.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>A third kind of pathos arises from magnanimity in distress, which, managed 
by a skilful hand, will touch us even where we detest the character which 
suffers. Of this too I shall produce an example in Olympias, the mother of 
Alexander, betrayed into the hands of the perfidious Cassander. It begins:
<quote>
His faith was laidè that time for hostàge —
</quote>
And for five stanzas following.
</p><p>And his reflections, after this, upon the fortitude of so cruel and 
imperious a woman shew
<pb n="103" xml:id="p1-103"/>
something of penetration and insight into the human heart:<quote>
<lg><l>But froward rancour and wode melancholie</l> 
<l>Gave her a sprite of feignèd patience,</l> 
<l>A false pretence of high magnificence;</l> 
<l>A scauncè she had been in virtue stronge,</l> 
<l>For truthe to have enduredde every wrong.</l>
<l rend="indent">Contrarious force made her dispiteous</l> 
<l>Strong in her errour to endure her payne,</l> 
<l>Of obstinate heart she was, fell and yròus,</l> 
<l>In death's constreintè list not to complaine,</l> 
<l>Counterfeit suffrance made her for to feigne,</l> 
<l>Nothing of virtue plainly to termìne,</l> 
<l>Nor of no manners that be feminine.</l>
<l rend="indent4">B. iv. fol. 114.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>Of the same kind are his description of Mithridates surrounded by the 
troops of Pompey in Armenia, (B. vi. fol. 153) the Speech of Regulus to the 
Senate, (B. v.) and that of Lucrece to her husband and father determining on 
death, (B. ii. fol. 48) and the same story repeated, for he has told it twice 
in a different manner (B. iii. fol. 74).
</p><p>It is observable that in images of horrour, and in a certain terrible 
greatness, our author comes far behind Chaucer. Whether they were not suited 
to the genius or to the temper of Lydgate, I do not determine; but it is 
certain that, though they naturally seemed to present themselves, he has 
almost generally chosen to avoid them: yet is
<pb n="104" xml:id="p1-104"/>
there frequently a stiller kind of majesty both in his thought and expression, 
which makes one of his principal beauties. The following instance of it (I 
think) approaches even to sublimity:<quote>
<lg><l>God hath a thousand handès to chastyse,</l>
<l>A thousand dartès of punìcĭon,</l>
<l>A thousand bowès made in uncouthe wyse,</l>
<l>A thousand arblastes bent in his doungeon,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-104-1"/></l>
<l>Ordeind each one for castigacĭon;</l>
<l>But where he fyndes mekeness and repentaùnce,</l>
<l>Mercy is mystresse of his ordinaunce.</l>
<l rend="indent4">B. i. f. 6.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>There is also a particular elegance in his grave and sententious 
reflections, which makes a distinguishing part of his character: of this I 
shall give some examples out of a multitude. B. i. f. 6, &amp;c. on pride; 
on literature, in the prologue to the fourth book; and on contented poverty 
(B. i. f. 34); and on the vices of persons meanly born, when raised to power 
(B. iv. f. 118); but examples of this kind are too many and too prolix for 
me to transcribe. I shall refer, however, also to those verses which 
recommend gentleness and mercy to women (f. 115); on the mischiefs of 
flattery (f. 44); on ingratitude (f. 139); on patience (f. 211); on avarice 
(f. 93); on the duties of a king (f. 190); and the allegorical,
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-104-1"><emph>Doungeon</emph> is a castle or palace: so in B. viii. c. 24, he 
calls heaven "the riche sterry bright doungeon."</note>
<pb n="105" xml:id="p1-105"/>
combat between fortune and glad poverty (f. 69).
</p><p>Lydgate seems to have been by nature of a more serious and melancholy turn 
of mind than Chaucer; yet one here and there meets with a stroke of satire 
and irony which does not want humour, and it usually falls (as was the custom 
of those times) either <anchor xml:id="an105_8"/><ref target="#n105_8">upon
the women</ref> or on the clergy. As the religious were 
the principal scholars of these ages, they probably gave the tone in writing 
or in wit to the rest of the nation. The celibacy imposed on them by the 
church had soured their temper, and naturally disposed them (as is observed 
of old bachelors in our days) to make the weaknesses of the other sex their 
theme; and though every one had a profound respect for his own particular 
order, yet the feuds and bickerings between one order and another were 
perpetual and irreconcileable. These possibly were the causes which directed 
the satire of our old writers principally to those two objects. On the first 
may be produced the passage (B. i. f. 26),<quote>
But Bochas here, &amp;c.</quote> for three stanzas.
</p><p>In the dispute between Brunichilde, Queen of France, and Boccaccio, he is 
more direct and explicit:
<pb n="106" xml:id="p1-106"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>Soothely, quoth he, this is the condicion,</l> 
<l>Of you women, almostè every where, &amp;c.</l>
</lg></quote>
(B. ix. f. 198), and so for three stanzas: and surely his reflections on 
Orpheus, when he had lost Euridice, are neither deficient in spirit nor in 
expression (B. i. f. 32):<quote>
<lg><l>If some husbands had stonden in the case</l>
<l>To have lost their wives for a looke sodeine, &amp;c.</l>
</lg></quote> and for five stanzas.
</p><p>This kind of satire will, I know, appear to modern men to taste a little 
stale and unfashionable; but our reflections should go deeper, and lead us 
to consider the fading and transitory nature of wit in general. I have above 
attempted to shew the source whence the two prevailing subjects of our 
ancestors' severity were derived: let us also observe their different success 
and duration from those times to our own.
</p><p>The first, I mean the frailties of women, are now become the favourite 
theme of conversation among country-gentlemen, <anchor xml:id="an106_21"/><ref target="#n106_21">fellows of colleges</ref>, and the 
lower clergy. Upon these (if we attend to it) commonly turns the archness 
and pleasantry of farmers, peasants, and the meanest of the people; for to 
them it is that modes of wit, as well as of dress and manners, gradually 
descend: and there (as they came to them by a very slow and insensible 
progress) from a peculiar sullenness
<pb n="107" xml:id="p1-107"/>
and aversion in their nature to every thing which seems new; so, when they 
are once established, do they continue and obstinately adhere for ages; for, 
as it has been said of justice, it is in the country that<quote>
<emph>Fashion</emph> lingers, ere she leaves the land.</quote>
Go but into some county at a distance from the capital; observe their table, 
their furniture, their habits; and be sure that there was a time (which a 
person of curiosity in the original and antiquity of national customs may 
frequently discover) when those meats with which they serve you, and those 
moveables which they use, were delicacies and conveniences of life, only 
seen in the houses of people of high distinction; and when those forms of 
dress, at which you now laugh, were newly imported or invented by some 
"ruffling gallant," or by some lofty dame of honour in the court of Elizabeth, 
perhaps, or, at latest, of Charles the Second. In the same manner, in their 
expressions of civility and compliment, and in their turn of reflection, 
their stories and their jokes all savour of a former age, and once belonged 
to the most polished and gayest people of our nation. Sometimes they were 
originally ridiculous and absurd, sometimes far more proper and more sensible 
than what has been since introduced
<pb n="108" xml:id="p1-108"/>
in their room; and here it is only the misapplication of them, and somewhat 
of awkwardness which they may have contracted in the country, that can with 
justice make them objects of ridicule.
</p><p>That general satire upon the female sex, of which I am speaking, is now 
banished from good company; for which there may be several reasons given. 
Celibacy is no more enjoined to our clergy, and as knowledge and writing 
diffused themselves among the body of the people, the clergy grew no longer 
to be the leaders of their taste and humour; and lastly, we have (as in most 
things) adopted in some measure that extreme politeness and respect which the 
French <emph>pretend</emph> to shew to their women. The case is nearly the same 
in that nation as in this, in one point; the clergy have less influence there 
than in any other catholic country, and, as erudition has spread among the 
laity, they are no more the models of wit and good sense to their countrymen. 
Their old <emph>Fabliaux</emph> and <emph>Romans</emph> were just as severe upon the 
women, and in the same way, as ours; and just so that humour has imperceptibly 
worn out with them. Yet we need but look into the tales of Fontaine in that 
tongue, borrowed from those old stories which I have mentioned, and from 
Boccaccio, Machiavel, Ariosto,
<pb n="109" xml:id="p1-109"/>
and others, where all the naïveté and sly simplicity of the 
ancient writers are preserved and heightened with the correctness, elegance, 
and graces of the moderns; and (though far the greater part of their humour 
runs upon this very subject) we shall soon be convinced that it is a topic 
not to be exhausted, and full as susceptible of wit and of true ridicule as 
it was four hundred years ago. Instances of this in our own language may be 
seen in most of Dryden's tales, in Pope's January and May, the Wife of Bath's 
Prologue, and in other compositions.
</p><p>But raillery on the priesthood has continued through every age, and 
remains almost as fashionable as ever. It was in its full force about the 
time of the Reformation, and a little before, upon the revival of learning 
and the invention of printing: afterwards it turned upon our established 
church, and the variety of sects produced the same effect that the variety 
of the religious orders had done formerly; not to mention the struggles for 
power between the Church and the Commonwealth in Charles the First's and in 
Charles the Second's reign, and at the Revolution, and in the last years of 
Queen Anne, and in the beginning of George the First, which have produced a 
lasting bitterness and rancour, which keeps this kind of satire alive and in 
countenance
<pb n="110" xml:id="p1-110"/>
even to this day. Addison, who formed and influenced the national taste in a 
thousand instances, could not with all his efforts do it in this case; yet 
perhaps we may, in no long time, see the end of this fashion, for, if I am 
not greatly mistaken, the spirit is already subsiding. 
</p><p>The examples of this second kind of wit are much <anchor xml:id="an110_8"/><ref target="#n110_8">more frequent in Chaucer</ref> 
than in Lydgate: there are however some, as in B. ix. fol. 202, of the Fall 
of Princes:<quote>
<lg><l>The poorè staff, and potent of doctrìne,</l> 
<l>When it was chaunged, and listè not abide</l> 
<l>In wilful povertie; but gan anon decline</l> 
<l>On statelie palfreys and highe horse to ride;</l> 
<l>Sharpe hairès then were also laide asyde,</l> 
<l>Turned to copes of purple and sanguìne,</l> 
<l>Gownès of scarlet furrèd with ermìne.</l>
<l rend="indent">Slenderè fare of wine and water clere,</l> 
<l>With abstinence of bread ymade of wheat,</l> 
<l>Chaunged the days to many fat dinère</l> 
<l>With confit drink and Ippocrasè swete;</l> 
<l>All sobernessè did his boundès lete:</l> 
<l>Scarsness of foode leftè his olde estate,</l> 
<l>With new excess gan wexè delicate.</l></lg></quote>
And in B. ix. f. 217:<quote>
<lg><l rend="indent">Priestès, prelàtes, and well-fed fat parsòns</l> 
<l>Richly avaunced, and clerkès of degree</l> 
<l>Reken up religions with all their brode crowns,</l> 
<l>And patriarches, that have great sovereigntie,</l> 
<l>Bishops, abbòts, confirmed in their see,</l> 
<l>Secular canons, with many a great prebènd,</l> 
<l>Behold of fortune the mutability,</l> 
<l>How sodeinly she made them to descend.</l></lg></quote>
<pb n="111" xml:id="p1-111"/>
And in the Daunce of Machabree,<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-111-1"/> where Death is introduced as leading 
a measure, and compelling all sorts and degrees of mankind to join the dance, 
men of the church are represented as more loth and unwilling to die, than 
any other profession whatever.
</p><p>The Pope, indeed, out of respect to his dignity, and the Chartreux and 
the Hermit, (who were entirely abstracted from worldly affairs, and exposed 
therefore to no one's malignity,) shew less repugnance to death, and the 
latter even welcomes him with great <anchor xml:id="an111_12"/><ref target="#n111_12">cheerfulness</ref>.
</p><p>Lydgate, however, makes his apology to the ladies very handsomely for the 
hard things he has said of them:<quote>
<lg><l rend="indent">The richè rubye, nor the sapphire Ynde,</l> 
<l>Be not appairèd of their freshe beautèe,</l> 
<l>Thoughe amonge stones men counterfeitès finde:</l> 
<l>And semblaby, though some women be</l> 
<l>Not well govèrned after their degre,</l> 
<l>It not defaceth, nor doth violence</l> 
<l>To them, that never did in their life offence.</l>
<l rend="indent">The whitè lilie, nor the wholesom rose,</l> 
<l>Nor violettès spredde on bankis thick</l> 
<l>Their sweténesse, which outward they unclose,</l> 
<l>Is not appaired with no wedès wicke, &amp;c.</l>
<l rend="indent4">B. i. f. 37.</l>
</lg></quote>
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-111-1">It is a translation, or rather a paraphrase from the French of <anchor xml:id="an111_29"/><ref target="#n111_29">Doctor  
Machabrée</ref>, and the subject of it was expressed on the wall
of 
St. Innocent's at Paris in painting, where Lydgate had seen it. It is 
printed by Tothill at the end of Boccace in 1554, fol.</note>
<pb n="112" xml:id="p1-112"/>
He defends the honour of his country with a laudable spirit against Boccaccio, 
who, though speaking of the victory when John, King of France, was made 
prisoner, calls the English "inertissimos et nullius valoris homines":
<quote>
<lg><l>Though the said Boccace flowred in poetrie,</l> 
<l>His partialle writinge gave no mortal wounde,</l> 
<l>Caughtè a quarrel in his melancholie,</l> 
<l>Which to his shame did afterwardes redounde, &amp;c.</l>
<l rend="indent">Held them but smale of reputation,</l> 
<l>In his report; men may his writings see:</l> 
<l>His fantasie, nor his opinion</l> 
<l>Stode in that case of no authoritie:</l> 
<l>Their kinge was took; their knightès all did flee:</l> 
<l>Where was Bochas to help them at such nede?</l> 
<l>Save with his pen, he made no man to blede.</l>
<l rend="indent4">B. ix. f. 216.</l>
</lg></quote>
The epilogue addressed to the Duke of Gloucester, and the three envoyes 
which follow it, have much poetical expression in them, which was
Lydgate's<ptr type="noteAnchor" n="1" target="#fn-112-1"/> peculiar merit. However his name
<note place="foot" n="1" xml:id="fn-112-1">Lydgate composed a great number of ballads, one of which I shall here 
transcribe, as, I imagine, it never was printed.<quote>
<anchor xml:id="an112_24"/><ref target="#n112_24">[Like A Midsomer
Rose.]</ref><lb/><lb/>[1.]<lb/>    
Let no man boaste of cunnyng, ne virt&amp;ugrave,<lb/>Of tresour, richesse, 
nor of sapience,<lb/>Of worldly sùpport, alle cummith of
Jesù,<lb/>Counsel, comfòrt, discretion, and
prudènce,<lb/>Promotĭon, foresighte, and providence;<lb/> 
Like as the lord of grace lyst to dispose,<lb/>Som man hath wisdom, 
som hath eloquence.<lb/>All stand on chaunge, like a midsòmer 
rose.<lb/><lb/>[p. 113]<lb/>[2.]<lb/>    Holsome in smellyng 
be the sotè flowers,<lb/>Full delectàble outwarde to the 
syght;<lb/>The thorn is sharpe, endued with freshe colòurs;<lb/> 
All is not gold, that outwarde sheweth bryght.<lb/>A stockfysch bone 
in darkeness giveth light,<lb/>Twene faire and fowle, as God list to 
dispose,<lb/>A difference atwyx the day and nyght.<lb/>All stand on 
chaunge, like a midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/>[3.]<lb/>    
Flowerrès open upon every greene<lb/>Whannè the
larkè, mesangere of day,<lb/>Saleweth the' upryst of the sunnis 
shene<lb/>Most amorosely in April and in May;<lb/>And Aurora, agayne 
the morrow gray,<lb/>Causith the daysy his crowne to unclose.<lb/>
Worldly gladnèsse is medlyd with affray:<lb/>All stand on 
chaunge, like a midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/>[4.]<lb/>    
Atwene the cukkow and the nightyngale<lb/>There is amayde a
straungè difference.<lb/>On freschè branchys singyth the 
wood-wayle;<hi rend="sup">1</hi><lb/>Jays in musìcke have small 
experĭence;<lb/>Chattering pyes, whan they cum in
presènce,<lb/>Most malapert theire verdyte to propose.<lb/>All 
thyng hath favour brevely in sentènce<lb/>Of soft or sharp, 
like a midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/>[5.]<lb/>    The royal 
lion let call a parlament,<lb/>All beastis soone aboute him
ènviron;<lb/><lb/><hi rend="sup">1</hi> Wood-pigeon. Some say it is the 
witwall or golden thrush.<lb/><lb/>[p. 114]<lb/>The wolf of malice being 
ther presènt<lb/>Upon the lambe complayns again resòn<lb/> 
Saidè, he made his water ùnholsumme,<lb/>Hys tendyr 
stomak to' hinder and undispose;<lb/>Ravenors ravyne, the' innocent is 
bore downe.<lb/>All stand on chaunge, like a midsòmer rose.<lb/>
<lb/>[6.]<lb/>    All worldly thyngè braidyth upon 
time;<lb/>The sunnè chaungith, so does the pale moone;<lb/>The 
aureat noumbre in kalenders for prime:<lb/>Fortune is double, doth 
favour for no boone;<lb/>And who that hath with that qwene<hi rend="sup">1</hi>
to done,<lb/>Contrariosely she will his chaunge dispose;<lb/>Who sitteth 
hyghest, most like to fall sone.<lb/>All stands on chaunge, like a 
midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/>[7.]<lb/>    The golden carr of 
Phebus in the aire<lb/>Causith mists blake that they dare not
appere,<lb/>At whose upryst mountains be made so faire<lb/>As they were 
new gylt with his bemys clere,<lb/>The nyght doth follow, appallith 
all his chere,<lb/>When westerne waves his stremys over close;<lb/>
Recken all beawty, all fresheness, that is here:<lb/>All stand on 
chaunge, like a midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/>[8.]<lb/>    
Constreynt of cold makith the fowlis <emph>dare</emph><hi rend="sup">2</hi><lb/>With 
wynter frost, that they dare not appere;<lb/>All cladde in russett soil 
of greene is bare,<lb/>Tellus and Juno dullyd of their chere<lb/><lb/>
<hi rend="sup">1</hi> Harlot.<lb/><hi rend="sup">2</hi> <emph>Lie hid.</emph> From the A. 
Saxon <emph>dearn dearnan,</emph> to hide.<lb/><lb/>[p. 115]<lb/>By 
revolution turnyng of the yere;<lb/>As grayè March his 
stoundys<hi rend="sup">1</hi> doth disclose,<lb/>Now rayne, now storme, now 
Phebus bright and clere.<lb/>All stand on chaunge, like a
midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/>[9.]<lb/>    <anchor xml:id="an115_7"/><ref target="#n115_7">Where is now</ref> David,
the most worthy king,<lb/>Of Juda and Israel famous and
notàble?<lb/>And where is Solomon, soveraine of
cunnìng,<lb/>Richest of buylding, of tresour
incomparàble?<lb/>Face of Absalom most faire most amiable?<lb/> 
Recken up echone, of truth make no close;<lb/>Recken up Jonathas of 
friendship ìmmutable.<lb/>All stand on chaunge, like a 
midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/>[10.]<lb/>    Where Julius, 
proudest in his empìre,<lb/>With his triumphis most
imperial?<lb/>And where is Porus, that was lord and sire<lb/>Of
Indè in hys hygh estate royàl?<lb/>And where is Alisaund, 
that conquer'd all?<lb/>Fayld laisour his testament to dispose,<lb/> 
Nabucodnosor, or Sardanapal?<lb/>All stand on chaunge like a
midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/>[11.]<lb/>    And where is 
Tullius wyth hys sugyrd tungue,<lb/>Or Chrìsostomus with his 
golden mouthe?<lb/>The aureat ditties that were redde or sunge<lb/>Of 
Hòmerus in Grece both north and south?<lb/>The tragedïes 
divers and unkouth<lb/>Of moral Seneck the misteries to unclose?<lb/>By 
many' examplys this <emph>matt</emph><hi rend="sup">2</hi> is full kowth:<lb/>All stand 
on chaunge as a midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/><hi rend="sup">1</hi> Times, 
weathers. Saxon.<lb/><hi rend="sup">2</hi> i. e. This motto is well known.
<lb/><lb/>[p. 116]<lb/>[12.]<lb/>    Where ben of Frauncè 
all the dousĕperes<hi rend="sup">1</hi><lb/>Which over allè had 
the governance?<lb/>(Wowis of the pecok with her prowdè
chères!)<lb/>The worthy<hi rend="sup">2</hi> nine with allè their 
beaunce<lb/>The Trojan knightes, greatest of àllyaunce?<lb/>The 
flece of gold conquered in Colchòse?<lb/>Rome and
Carthàge most soverein of puissaùnce?<lb/>All stand on 
chaunge, like a midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/>[13.]<lb/>Putt in a summe 
all martial policye,<lb/>Compleat in Afrik, and bowndis of
Cartàge,<lb/>The Theban legion, example' of chivalry,<lb/>At 
Jordain's river was expert their coràge,<lb/>There thousand 
knightis born of hygh paràge,<lb/>There martyrd, redde in metre 
and in prose;<lb/>The golden crownes made in the heavenly stage,<lb/>
Fresher than lily', or the midsòmer rose.<lb/><lb/>[14.]<lb/>
    The rémembraunce of every famose knyght,<lb/>
Grownd considerd, is buylt on ryghtwysnesse.<lb/>Rose out eche 
quarrell that' is not buylt on right.<lb/>Withouten trouthe what 
vaylith high noblèsse?<lb/>Lawrer of martyrs foundyd on 
holynesse,<lb/>White was made rede their triumphs to disclose;<lb/>The 
whitè lilie was theire chast cleannèsse,<lb/>Theire 
bloody sufferaunce no midsòmer rose:<lb/><lb/><hi rend="sup">1</hi> Douze 
Pairs; the twelve peers of Charlemagne.<lb/><hi rend="sup">2</hi> The nine 
Worthies: they are Joshua, David, Judas Machabeus, Hector, Alexander, 
Julius Caesar, Arthur, Charlemagne, and Godfrey of Boulogne.<lb/><lb/>
[p. 117]<lb/>[15.]<lb/>    It was the rosè of the 
bloodye field,<lb/>The rose of Jericho, that grew in Bethlèmm,<lb/> 
The fine posìes, purtreyed on the sheelde<lb/>Splayd in the 
banner at Jerusalem.<lb/>The sunne was clypsd and darke in every 
reame,<hi rend="sup">1</hi><lb/>When Jesu Crist five wellis list unclose<lb/>
Toward Paradyse, and callid the rede streme,<lb/>Of whose five woundes 
print in your heart a rose.<lb/><lb/>    From a MS. in the 
Public Library in the University of Cambridge [Hh. iv. 12].<lb/><lb/>
<hi rend="sup">1</hi> Realm.</quote></note>
<pb n="113" xml:id="p1-113"/>
be now almost lost in oblivion, yet did his reputation continue flourishing 
above a hundred years
<pb n="114" xml:id="p1-114"/>
after his death, and particularly we may see the esteem in which this work 
of "The Fall of
<pb n="115" xml:id="p1-115"/>
Princes" was in, for <anchor xml:id="an115_1"/><ref target="#n115_1">eight
poets</ref> in Queen Elizabeth's reign, and at the head 
of them Thomas
<pb n="116" xml:id="p1-116"/>
Sackville, afterwards Lord Buckhurst, joined their forces to write a 
supplement to it, called
<pb n="117" xml:id="p1-117"/>
"The Mirror of Magistrates." (See W. Baldwyn's preface, fol. 109 of the 
edition in 1587, in 4to.)
<pb n="118" xml:id="p1-118" type="unnumbered"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">SAMUEL DANIEL</head>
<p>His genius and style rarely if ever rise to that elevation, that the 
stronger and more terrific emotions of mind require. His figures and allusions 
are neither many nor bold; he had little invention in the design, or art in 
the arrangement of his ideas. His ear was good, his versification like his 
style flowing and unaffected. As <anchor xml:id="an118_8"/><ref target="#n118_8">his youth was passed</ref> in an age of better 
taste, fertile in genius and in poetry, he caught from the works he then 
admired, and the friendships he then form'd, a warm zeal and respect for his 
own art, and improv'd those abilities nature had given him to a certain pitch 
beyond which he never went, for his riper days were passed in an insipid 
court, nay worse, a court of bad taste, that affected out of policy a contempt 
for the favourite studies of the preceding reign, and that with <anchor xml:id="an118_18"/><ref target="#n118_18">a pedantic 
admiration</ref> and reverence for the ancients preferred to the brightest 
productions of genius such works as servilely and inelegantly copied their 
thoughts, or imitated more happily their puerilities. This may be sufficient 
to show why his natural talents, and <anchor xml:id="an118_23"/><ref target="#n118_23">the expectations Spenser had raised</ref> of 
him were blasted after the death of Elizabeth; he himself 
<pb n="119" xml:id="p1-119"/>
was sensible of it, and feelingly regrets the happier days he had once seen. 
Musoph. p. 88. 'But whereas he came planted in the spring,' &amp;c, and
Epist. to the prince before his <emph>Philotas.</emph> 'Tho' I the remnant,'
&amp;c, and this was probably the reason why he employed his latter days in 
writing history, indeed, his wars of York and Lancaster, (tho' wrote before 
Elizabeth's death) of which he never finish'd more than eight books, mark 
very strongly his transition from verse to prose. The disposition of events 
is in the same dull order that he found in the Chronicle, no attempt at 
poetical contrivance or design, except the raising Henry the Fifth's ghost 
(l. 5), which is merely an imitation of Lydgate (or rather Boccace), 
Lyndesay's Tragedie of Card. Betone, Drayton's Legends of Robert D. of Norm., 
Piers Gaveston, &amp;c.,and the Mirror of Magistrates, already copied by him 
in the Complaint of Rosamond, and a long Fable ill introduced (l. 6, st. 27) 
to account for the invention of gunpowder, it can hardly be known for verse 
but by the measure and the rhyme, and is doubtless the meanest among his 
performances; indeed, in all he has left us there are two defects (perhaps of 
his nature) very conspicuous, the want of imagination and the weakness of 
expression (see Drayton's Elegy to Mr. Reynolds), (faults nearly allied to 
those beauties for which I
<pb n="120" xml:id="p1-120"/>
have celebrated him;) yet had his application been directed by some friend 
(like Spenser) of superior talents to those subjects that best suit a gentle 
and sensible nature, that move and warm without inflaming or transporting the 
heart, he might have doubtless merited the character of an amiable and even 
affecting writer. He had the more need of such assistance, because besides 
his usual coldness and redundancy of expression, he shows a remarkable want 
of judgment, I might instance his giving in to the conceits of <anchor xml:id="an120_11"/><ref target="#n120_11">Marino</ref> and the 
bad Italian writers (though it is but seldom he does this and in a manner that 
shows it is not natural to him), his choice of <anchor xml:id="an120_14"/><ref target="#n120_14">Seneca for a model</ref>, and his 
introduction of rhyming stanzas in tragedy,— but the fashion of that age 
in which he lived may serve to excuse the former, and the examples of Lord 
Buckhurst, Lord Brooke, and others the latter. Such writers as Seneca and 
Marino not only dazzle men of little imagination, who admire them as women do 
heroes, because they possess what themselves principally want, but those too 
of brighter parts who find in them something congenial to their own fancy, 
and whose mind is not comprehensive or attention cool enough to judge of the 
whole or discern the superior beauties of propriety in place, of time, and of 
character. It is chiefly from the Musophilus that I
<pb n="121" xml:id="p1-121"/>
judge of his talents for Elegy, which requires no other order or invention 
than those of pure, simple nature, what is (or what ought to appear) the 
result of a feeling mind strongly possess'd by its subject, and surely he 
that is so in poetry has done more than half his work, but it is not every 
imagination that can throw itself into all the situations of a fictitious 
subject.
<pb n="122" xml:id="p1-122" type="unnumbered"/>
</p></div><div type="section"><head rend="center">SELECTIONS FROM THE LETTERS</head>
<p rend="center">SOME FRENCH PLAYS</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To <anchor xml:id="an122_1"/><ref target="#n122_1">Richard West</ref>, from Paris, April 12,
1739</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . At night we went to the Pandore; a spectácle literally, for it 
is nothing but a beautiful piece of machinery of three scenes. The first 
represents the chaos, and by degrees the separation of the elements. The 
second, the temple of Jupiter, the giving of the box to Pandora. The third, 
the opening of the box, and all the mischiefs that ensued. An absurd design, 
but executed in the highest perfection, and that in one of the finest theatres 
in the world; it is the grande sale des machines in the Palais des Tuileries. 
Next day dined at <anchor xml:id="an122_13"/><ref target="#n122_13">Lord
Waldegrave's</ref>; then to the opera. Imagine to yourself 
for the drama <anchor xml:id="an122_15"/><ref target="#n122_15">four
acts</ref> entirely unconnected with each other, each founded 
on some little history, skilfully taken out of an ancient author, e. g. 
Ovid's Metamorphoses, etc., and with great address converted into a French 
piece of gallantry. For instance, that which I saw, called the Ballet de la 
Paix, had its first act built upon <anchor xml:id="an122_22"/><ref target="#n122_22">the story of Nireus</ref>. Homer having said he 
was the handsomest 
<pb n="123" xml:id="p1-123"/>
man of his time, the poet, imagining such a one could not want a mistress, 
has given him one. These two come in and sing sentiment in lamentable strains, 
neither air nor recitative; only, to one's great joy, they are every now and 
then interrupted by a dance, or (to one's great sorrow) by a chorus that 
borders the stage from one end to the other, and screams, past all power of 
simile to represent. The second act was <anchor xml:id="an123_10"/><ref target="#n123_10">Baucis and Philemon</ref>. Baucis is a 
beautiful young shepherdess, and Philemon her swain. Jupiter falls in love 
with her, but nothing will prevail upon her; so it is all mighty well, and 
the chorus sing and dance the praises of Constancy. The two other acts were 
about <anchor xml:id="an123_15"/><ref target="#n123_15">Iphis and
Ianthe</ref>, and the judgment of Paris. Imagine, I say, all this 
transacted by cracked voices, trilling divisions upon two notes and a half, 
accompanied by an orchestra of humstrums, and a whole house more attentive 
than if <anchor xml:id="an123_20"/><ref target="#n123_20">Farinelli</ref>
sung, and you will almost have formed a just notion of the 
thing. Our astonishment at their absurdity you can never conceive; we had 
enough to do to express it by screaming an hour louder than the whole 
dramatis personae. We have also seen twice the Comédie
Françoise; first, the <anchor xml:id="an123_26"/><ref target="#n123_26"><emph>Mahomet Second</emph></ref>, a tragedy that has had 
a great run of late; and the thing itself does not want its beauties, but the 
actors are beyond measure 
<pb n="124" xml:id="p1-124"/>
delightful. <anchor xml:id="an124_1"/><ref target="#n124_1">Mademoiselle
Gaussin</ref> (M. Voltaire's Zara) has with a charming 
(though little) person the most pathetic tone of voice, the finest expression 
in her face, and most proper action imaginable. There is also a <anchor xml:id="an124_5"/><ref target="#n124_5">Dufrêne</ref>, 
who did the chief character, a handsome man and a prodigious fine actor. The 
second we saw was <anchor xml:id="an124_8"/><ref target="#n124_8">the
<emph>Philosophe marié</emph></ref>, and here they 
performed as well in comedy; there is a <anchor xml:id="an124_9"/><ref target="#n124_9">Mademoiselle Quinault</ref>, somewhat in 
<anchor xml:id="an124_10"/><ref target="#n124_10">Mrs. Clive's way</ref>, and
a <anchor xml:id="an124_11-1" n="an124_11"/><ref target="#n124_11">Monsieur Grandval</ref>,
in the nature of <anchor xml:id="an124_11-2" n="an124_11"/><ref target="#n124_11">Wilks</ref>, who is the 
genteelest thing in the world. There are several more would be much admired 
in England, and many (whom we have not seen) much celebrated here. . . .
</p><p rend="center">THEATRICAL NOTES</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Ashton, from Paris, May, 1739</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . We have seen here your <anchor xml:id="an124_18"/><ref target="#n124_18">"Gustavus Vasa"</ref> that had raised the general 
expectation so high, long ago. A worthy piece of prohibited Merchandise, in 
truth! The Town must have been extreme mercifully disposed; if for the sake 
of ten innocent lines that may peradventure be picked out, it had consented 
to spare the lives of the ten thousand wicked ones, that remain. I don't know 
what condition your Stage is in, but
<pb n="125" xml:id="p1-125"/>
the French is in a very good one at present. Among the rest they have a 
<anchor xml:id="an125_3"/><ref target="#n125_3">Mademoiselle Dumenil</ref>
whose every look and gesture is violent Nature, she is Passion itself, 
incarnate.
</p><p>I saw her the other Night do the Phaedra of Racine, in a manner which 
affected me so strongly, that as you see, I can't help prattling about her 
even to you, that do not care two Pence. . . .
</p><p rend="center">VERSAILLES</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Richard West</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Paris, <emph>May 22, 1739.</emph></ab>
<p>After the little particulars aforesaid I should have proceeded to a journal 
of our transactions for this week past, should have carried you post from 
hence to Versailles, hurried you through the gardens to Trianon, back again 
to Paris, so away to Chantilly. But the fatigue is perhaps more than you can 
bear, and moreover I think I have reason to stomach your last piece of
gravity. Supposing you were in your soberest mood, I am sorry you should think 
me capable of ever being so dissipé, so evaporé, as not to be 
in a condition of relishing anything you could say to me. And now, if you have 
a mind to make your peace with me, arouse ye from your megrims
<pb n="126" xml:id="p1-126"/>
and your melancholies, and (for exercise is good for you) throw away your 
night-cap, call for your jack-boots, and set out with me, last Saturday 
evening, for Versailles — and so at eight o'clock, passing through a 
road speckled with vines, and villas, and hares, and partridges, we arrive 
at the great avenue, flanked on either hand with a double row of trees about 
half a mile long, and with the palace itself to terminate the view; facing 
which, on each side of you is placed a semi-circle of very handsome buildings, 
which form the stables. These we will not enter into, because you know we 
are no jockeys. Well! and is this the great front of Versailles? What <anchor xml:id="an126_15"/><ref target="#n126_15">a huge heap of 
littleness!</ref> It is composed, as it were, of three courts, all open to 
the eye at once, and gradually diminishing till you come to the royal 
apartments, which on this side present but half a dozen windows and a
balcony. This last is all that can be called a front, for the rest is only 
great wings. The hue of all this mass is black, dirty red, and yellow; the 
first proceeding from stone changed by age; the second, from a mixture of 
brick; and the last, from a profusion of tarnished gilding. You cannot see a 
more disagreeable tout-ensemble; and, to finish the matter, it is all stuck 
over in many places with small busts of a tawny hue between every two
<pb n="127" xml:id="p1-127"/>
windows. We pass through this to go into the garden, and here the case is 
indeed altered; nothing can be vaster and more magnificent than the back 
front; before it a very spacious terrace spreads itself, adorned with two 
large basons; these are bordered and lined (as most of the others) with 
white marble, with handsome statues of bronze reclined on their edges. From 
hence you descend a huge flight of steps into a semicircle formed by woods, 
that are cut all around into niches, which are filled with beautiful copies 
of all the famous antique statues in white marble. Just in the midst is the 
bason of <anchor xml:id="an127_13"/><ref target="#n127_13">Latona</ref>; she
and her children are standing on the top of a rock in 
the middle, on the sides of which are the peasants, some half, some totally 
changed into frogs, all which throw out water at her in great plenty. From 
this place runs on the great alley, which brings you into a complete round, 
where is the bason of Apollo, the biggest in the gardens. He is rising in 
his car out of the water, surrounded by nymphs and tritons, all in bronze, 
and finely executed, and these, as they play, raise a perfect storm about him; 
beyond this is the great canal, a prodigious long piece of water, that 
terminates the whole: all this you have at one coup d'oeil in entering the 
garden, which is truly great. I cannot say as much of the general
<pb n="128" xml:id="p1-128"/>
taste of the place: every thing you behold savours too much of art; all is 
forced, all is constrained about you; statues and vases sowed everywhere 
without distinction; sugar loaves and minced pies of yew; scrawl work of box, 
and little squirting jets-d'eau, besides a great sameness in the walks, 
cannot help striking one at first sight, not to mention the silliest of 
labyrinths, and all AEsop's fables in water; since these were designed <anchor xml:id="an128_10"/><ref target="#n128_10">in usum Delphini</ref> only. 
Here then we walk by moonlight, and hear the ladies and 
the nightingales sing. Next morning, being Whitsunday, make ready to go to 
the Installation of nine Knights du Saint Esprit, <anchor xml:id="an128_14"/><ref target="#n128_14">Cambis</ref> is one: high mass 
celebrated with music, great crowd, much incense, <anchor xml:id="an128_16"/><ref target="#n128_16">King, Queen, Dauphin, 
Mesdames</ref>, Cardinals, and Court: Knights arrayed by his Majesty; reverences 
before the altar, not bows but curtsies; stiff hams: much tittering among the 
ladies; trumpets, kettle-drums and fifes. My dear West, I am vastly delighted 
with Trianon, all of us with Chantilly; if you would know why, you must have 
patience, for I can hold my pen no longer, except to tell you that I saw 
<anchor xml:id="an128_25"/><ref target="#n128_25">Britannicus</ref> last
night; all the characters, particularly Agrippina and Nero, 
done to perfection; to-morrow <anchor xml:id="an128_27"/><ref target="#n128_27">Phaedra and Hippolitus</ref>. We are making you a 
little bundle of petites
<pb n="129" xml:id="p1-129"/>
pieces; there is nothing in them, but they are acting at present; there are 
too <anchor xml:id="an129_3"/><ref target="#n129_3">Crebillon's Letters</ref>,
and Amusemens sur le langage des Bêtes, said 
to be of <anchor xml:id="an129_4"/><ref target="#n129_4">one Bougeant</ref>, a
Jesuit; they are both esteemed, and lately come out. 
This day se'nnight we go to Rheims.
</p><p rend="center">THE ALPS</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Richard West, from Turin, November 16, N. S.,
1739</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I own I have not, as yet, anywhere met with those grand and simple 
works of Art, that are to amaze one, and whose sight one is to be the better 
for: but those of Nature have astonished me beyond expression. In our little 
journey up to <anchor xml:id="an129_13"/><ref target="#n129_13">the Grande
Chartreuse</ref>, I do not remember to have gone ten paces 
without an exclamation, that there was no restraining: not a precipice, not 
a torrent, not a cliff, but is pregnant with religion and poetry. There are 
certain scenes that would awe an atheist into belief, without the help of 
other argument. One need not have a very fantastic imagination to see spirits 
there at noonday; you have Death perpetually before your eyes, only so far 
removed, as to compose the mind without frighting it. I am well persuaded St. 
Bruno was a man of no common genius, to choose such a
<pb n="130" xml:id="p1-130"/>
situation for his retirement; and perhaps should have been a disciple of his, 
had I been born in his time. You may believe <anchor xml:id="an130_3"/><ref target="rfttr1:329#n130_13">Abelard and Heloïse</ref> were not 
forgot upon this occasion. If I do not mistake, I saw you too every now and 
then at a distance among the trees; il me semble, que j'ai vu ce chien de 
visage là quelque part. You seemed to call to me from the other side 
of the precipice, but the noise of the river below was so great, that I really 
could not distinguish what you said; it seemed to have a cadence like verse. 
In your next you will be so good to let me know what it was. The week we have 
since passed among the Alps, has not equalled the single day upon that 
mountain, because the winter was rather too far advanced, and the weather a 
little foggy. However, it did not want its beauties; the savage rudeness of 
the view is inconceivable without seeing it: I reckoned in one day, thirteen 
cascades, the least of which was, I dare say, one hundred feet in height. I 
had Livy in the chaise with me, and beheld his <anchor xml:id="an130_22"/><ref target="#n130_22">"Nives coelo</ref> propè 
immistae, tecta informia imposita rupibus, pecora jumentaque torrida frigore, 
homines intonsi &amp; inculti, animalia inanimaque omnia rigentia gelu; omnia, 
confragosa, praeruptaque." The creatures that inhabit them are, in all 
respects, below humanity; and most of them, especially women, have the tumidum 
<pb n="131" xml:id="p1-131"/>
guttur, which they call goscia. Mont Cenis, I confess, <anchor xml:id="an131_2"/><ref target="#n131_2">carries the permission</ref> 
mountains have of being frightful rather too far; and its horrors were 
accompanied with too much danger to give one time to reflect upon their 
beauties. . . .
</p><p rend="center">TACITUS; THE DUNCIAD</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Richard West, after March 25, 1742</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . Pray do not imagine that Tacitus, of all authors in the world, <anchor xml:id="an131_8"/><ref target="#n131_8">can be tedious</ref>. 
An annalist, you know, is by no means master of his subject; and 
I think one may venture to say, that if those Pannonian affairs are tedious 
in his hands, in another's they would have been insupportable. However, fear 
not, they will soon be over, and he will make ample amends. A man, who could 
join the <emph>brilliant</emph> of wit and concise sententiousness peculiar to 
that age, with the truth and gravity of better times, and the deep reflection 
and good sense of the best moderns, cannot choose but have something to strike 
you. Yet what I admire in him above all this, is his detestation of tyranny, 
and the high spirit of liberty that every now and then breaks out, as it were, 
whether he would or no. I remember a sentence in his Agricola that (concise 
as it is) I always admired for
<pb n="132" xml:id="p1-132"/>
saying much in a little compass. He speaks of Domitian, who upon seeing the 
last will of that General, where he had made him Coheir with his Wife and 
Daughter, <anchor xml:id="an132_4"/><ref target="#n132_4">"Satis
constabat</ref> laetatum eum, velut honore, judicioque: tam caeca
&amp; corrupta mens assiduis adulationibus erat, ut nesciret a bono patre non 
scribi haeredem, nisi malum principem."
</p><p>As to <anchor xml:id="an132_9"/><ref target="#n132_9">the Dunciad</ref>, it
is greatly admired; the Genii of Operas and Schools, 
with their attendants, the pleas of the Virtuosos and Florists, and the yawn 
of dulness in the end, are as fine as anything he has written. The 
Metaphysicians' part is to me the worst; and here and there a few
ill-expressed lines, and some hardly intelligible. . . .
</p><p rend="center">JOSEPH ANDREWS; THE LANGUAGE OF POETRY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Richard West, from London, after April 4,
1742</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I talked of the Dunciad as concluding you had seen it; if you have
not, do you choose I should get and send it you? I have myself, upon your 
recommendation, been reading Joseph Andrews. The incidents are ill laid and 
without invention; but the characters have a great deal of nature, which 
always pleases even in her lowest
<pb n="133" xml:id="p1-133"/>
shapes. Parson Adams is perfectly well; so is Mrs. Slipslop, and the story of 
Wilson; and throughout he shews himself well read in Stage-Coaches, Country 
Squires, Inns, and Inns of Court. His reflections upon high people and low 
people, and misses and masters, are very good. However the exaltedness of 
some minds (or rather as I shrewdly suspect their insipidity and want of 
feeling or observation) may make them insensible to these light things (I mean 
such as characterize and paint nature), yet surely they are as weighty and 
much more useful than your <anchor xml:id="an133_13"/><ref target="#n133_13">grave discourses</ref> upon the mind, the passions,
and what not. Now as the <anchor xml:id="an133_14"/><ref target="#n133_14">paradisiacal pleasures</ref> of the Mahometans consist
in playing upon the flute and lying with Houris, be mine to read eternal new 
romances of <anchor xml:id="an133_17"/><ref target="#n133_17">Marivaux</ref>
and Crébillon.
</p><p>You are very good in giving yourself the trouble to read and find fault 
with my long harangues. Your freedom (as you call it) has so little need of 
apologies, that I should scarce excuse your treating me any otherwise; which, 
whatever compliment it might be to my vanity, would be making a very ill one 
to my understanding. As to matter of style, I have this to say: the language 
of the age is never the language of poetry; except among the French, whose 
verse, where the thought or image does not support it, differs in
<pb n="134" xml:id="p1-134"/>
nothing from prose. Our poetry, on the contrary, has a language peculiar to 
itself; to which almost every one, that has written, has added something by 
enriching it with foreign idioms and derivatives: nay sometimes words of 
their own composition or invention. Shakespear and Milton have been great 
creators this way; and no one more licentious than Pope or Dryden, who 
perpetually borrow expressions from the former. Let me give you some instances 
from Dryden, whom everybody reckons a great master of our poetical tongue. 
— Full of <anchor xml:id="an134_12"/><ref target="#n134_12"><emph>museful mopings</emph></ref> — unlike the
<anchor xml:id="an134_13"/><ref target="#n134_13"><emph>trim</emph> of 
love — a pleasant <emph>beverage</emph></ref> — <anchor xml:id="an134_14"/><ref target="#n134_14">a <emph>roundelay</emph> of love 
— stood silent in his <emph>mood</emph></ref> — <anchor xml:id="an134_15"/><ref target="#n134_15">with knots and 
<emph>knares</emph> deformed — his <emph>ireful mood</emph></ref> — <anchor xml:id="an134_16"/><ref target="#n134_16">in proud 
<emph>array</emph> — his <emph>boon</emph> was granted</ref> — <anchor xml:id="an134_17"/><ref target="#n134_17">and 
<emph>disarray</emph> and shameful rout — <emph>wayward</emph> but wise</ref>
— <anchor xml:id="an134_18"/><ref target="#n134_18"><emph>furbished</emph>
for the field — the <emph>foiled dodderd</emph> oaks 
— <emph>disherited</emph></ref> — <anchor xml:id="an134_19"/><ref target="#n134_19"><emph>smouldering</emph> flames — 
<emph>retchless</emph> of laws</ref> — <anchor xml:id="an134_20"/><ref target="#n134_20"><emph>crones</emph> old and ugly — the 
<emph>beldam</emph> at his side</ref> — <anchor xml:id="an134_21"/><ref target="#n134_21">the <emph>grandam-hag</emph> — <emph>villanize</emph> 
his Father's fame</ref>. — But they are infinite; and our 
language not being a settled thing (like the French) has an undoubted right 
to words of an hundred years old, provided antiquity have not rendered them 
unintelligible. In truth, Shakespear's language is one of his principal 
beauties; and he has no less advantage over your Addisons and Rowes in this, 
than in those
<pb n="135" xml:id="p1-135"/>
other great excellences you mention. Every word in him is a picture. Pray put 
me the following lines into the tongue of our modern Dramatics:<quote>
<lg><anchor xml:id="an135_4"/><l><ref target="#n135_4">But I, that am</ref> not
shaped for sportive tricks,</l> 
<l>Nor made to court an amorous looking-glass:</l> 
<l>I, that am rudely stampt, and want love's majesty</l> 
<l>To strut before a wanton ambling nymph:</l> 
<l>I, that am curtail'd of this fair proportion,</l> 
<l>Cheated of feature by dissembling nature,</l> 
<l>Deform'd, unfinish'd, sent before my time</l> 
<l>Into this breathing world, scarce half made up —</l></lg></quote>
And what follows. To me they appear untranslatable; and if this be the case, 
our language is greatly degenerated. However, the affectation of imitating 
Shakespear may doubtless be carried too far; and is no sort of excuse for 
sentiments ill-suited, or speeches ill-timed, which I believe is a little the 
case with me. I guess the most faulty expressions may be these —
<anchor xml:id="an135_19"/><ref target="#n135_19"><emph>silken</emph> son of
<emph>dalliance</emph></ref> — <emph>drowsier</emph> 
pretensions — wrinkled <emph>beldams</emph> — <emph>arched</emph> the 
hearer's brow and <emph>riveted</emph> his eyes in <emph>fearful extasie.</emph> These 
are easily altered or omitted; and indeed if the thoughts be wrong or 
superfluous, there is nothing easier than to leave out the whole. The first 
ten or twelve lines are, I believe, the best; and as for the rest, I was 
betrayed into a good deal of it by Tacitus; only what he has said in five 
words, I imagine I have said in fifty lines. Such is the misfortune of 
imitating the inimitable . . .
<pb n="136" xml:id="p1-136"/>
</p><p rend="center">TACITUS</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Richard West, from London, April, 1742</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I think you have translated Tacitus very justly, that is, freely; 
and accommodated his thoughts to the turn and genius of our language; which, 
though I commend your judgment, is no commendation of the English tongue, 
which is too diffuse, and daily grows more and more enervate. One shall never 
be more sensible of this, than in turning an Author like Tacitus. I have been 
trying it in some parts of Thucydides (who has a little resemblance of him 
in his conciseness) and endeavoured to do it closely, but found it produced 
mere nonsense. If you have any inclination to see what figure Tacitus makes 
in Italian, I have a Tuscan translation of <anchor xml:id="an136_15"/><ref target="#n136_15">Davanzati</ref>, much esteemed in Italy; 
and will send you the same speech you sent me; that is, if you care for it
. . .
</p><p rend="center">WEST'S ODE ON MAY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Richard West</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">London, <emph>May 8, 1742.</emph></ab>
<p>I rejoice to see you putting up your <anchor xml:id="an136_21"/><ref target="#n136_21">prayers to the May</ref>: she cannot choose 
but come at such
<pb n="137" xml:id="p1-137"/>
a call. It is as light and genteel as herself. You bid me find fault; I am 
afraid I cannot; however I will try. The first stanza (if what you say to me 
in it did not make me think it the best) I should call the worst of the five 
(except the fourth line). The two next are very picturesque, Miltonic, and 
musical; her bed is so soft and so snug that I long to lie with her. But 
those two lines "Great nature" are my favourites. The exclamation of the 
flowers is a little step too far. The last stanza is full as good as the 
second and third; the last line bold, but I think not too bold. Now, as to 
myself and my translation, pray do not call names. I never saw <anchor xml:id="an137_14-1" n="an137_14"/><ref target="#n137_14">Broukhusius</ref> 
in my life. It is <anchor xml:id="an137_14-2" n="an137_14"/><ref target="#n137_14">Scaliger</ref> who attempted to range Propertius in
order; who was, and still is, <anchor xml:id="an137_16"/><ref target="#n137_16">in sad condition</ref>. . . . You see, by what I sent
you, that I converse as usual, with none but the dead: they are my old
friends, and 
almost make me long to be with them. You will not wonder, therefore, that I, 
who live only in times past, am able to tell you no news of the present. I 
have finished <anchor xml:id="an137_22"/><ref target="#n137_22">the
Peloponnesian war</ref> much to my honour, and a tight conflict 
it was, I promise you. I have drank and sung with Anacreon for the last 
fortnight, and am now feeding sheep with Theocritus. Besides, to quit my 
figure, (because it is foolish) I have run over Pliny's Epistles and Martial
ἐκ
παρέργου; not to 
mention Petrarch, 
<pb n="138" xml:id="p1-138"/>
who, by the way, is sometimes very tender and natural. I must needs tell you 
<anchor xml:id="an138_3"/><ref target="#n138_3">three lines in Anacreon</ref>,
where the expression seems to me inimitable. He is 
describing hair as he would have it painted.<quote>
[Three Greek lines (omitted)]</quote>
Guess, too, where this is about a dimple.<quote>
<lg><anchor xml:id="an138_10"/><l><ref target="#n138_10">Sigilla in mento</ref>
impressa Amoris digitulo</l><l>Vestigio demonstrant mollitudinem.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p rend="center">GARRICK, THE DUCHESS OF QUEENSBURY, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To <anchor xml:id="an138_12"/><ref target="#n138_12">John Chute</ref>, from London, May 24, N. S., 
1742</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . 'Tis true indeed <anchor xml:id="an138_13"/><ref target="#n138_13">Mr. Mann</ref> is not everywhere; I am shock'd to think
of his sufferings, but he of all men was born to suffer with a good grace. 
He is a Stoick without knowing it, and seems to think pain a pleasure. I am 
very sorry to compliment him upon such an occasion, and wished with all my 
heart, he were not so pleased. I much fear his books are gone already; but 
if not, to be sure he shall have <anchor xml:id="an138_21"/><ref target="#n138_21"><emph>Middleton</emph></ref> and <anchor xml:id="an138_22"/><ref target="#n138_22">the <emph>Sofa</emph></ref>; 
it seems most people here are not such admirers of it as I was: but I won't 
give up an inch of it, for all that. Did I tell you about Mr.
<pb n="139" xml:id="p1-139"/>
<anchor xml:id="an139_1"/><ref target="#n139_1">Garrick</ref>, that the town
are horn-mad after: there are a dozen Dukes of a night 
at Goodmansfields sometimes, and yet I am stiff in the opposition. Our fifth 
Opera was the <emph>Olympiade,</emph> in which they retained most of <anchor xml:id="an139_5"/><ref target="#n139_5">Pergolesi's 
songs</ref>, and yet 'tis gone already, as if it had been a poor thing of
<anchor xml:id="an139_7"/><ref target="#n139_7">Galuppi's</ref>. Two nights
did I enjoy it all alone, snug in a nook of the gallery, 
but found no one in those regions had ever heard of Pergolesi, nay, I heard 
several affirm it was a composition of <anchor xml:id="an139_11"/><ref target="#n139_11">Pescetti's</ref>. Now there is a 6th sprung 
up, by the name of <emph>Cephalo and Procri.</emph> <anchor xml:id="an139_13"/><ref target="#n139_13">My Lady of Queensbury</ref> is come 
out against <anchor xml:id="an139_14"/><ref target="#n139_14">my Lady of
Marlborough</ref>, and she has her spirit too, and her 
originality, but more of the woman, I think, than t'other. As to the facts, 
it don't signify two pence who's in the right; the manner of fighting, and 
character of the combatants is all: 'tis hoped old Sarah will at her again. 
A play of <anchor xml:id="an139_19"/><ref target="#n139_19">Mr. Glover's</ref>
I am told, is preparing for the stage, call'd 
<emph>Boadicea;</emph> it is a fine subject, but I have not an extreme opinion of 
him. . . .
</p><p rend="center">THE STORY OF MASSINISSA</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To West, from London, May 27, 1742</emph>]</p>
<p>I send you an inscription for a wood joining to a park of mine (it is on 
the confines of Mount
<pb n="140" xml:id="p1-140"/>
Cithaeron, on the left hand as you go to Thebes); you know I am no friend to 
hunters, and hate to be disturbed by their noise.<quote>
<anchor xml:id="an140_4"/><ref target="#n140_4">[Four Greek lines
(omitted)]</ref></quote> 
</p><p>Here follows also the beginning of <anchor xml:id="an140_9"/><ref target="#n140_9">an Heroic Epistle</ref>; but you must give 
me leave to tell my own story first, because Historians differ. Massinissa 
was the son of Gala, King of the Massyli; and, when very young at the head 
of his father's army, gave a most signal overthrow to Syphax, King of the 
Masaesylians, then an ally of the Romans. Soon after Asdrubal, son of Gisgo 
the Carthaginian General, gave the beautiful Sophonisba, his daughter, in 
marriage to the young prince. But this marriage was not consummated on 
account of Massinissa's being obliged to hasten into Spain, there to command 
his father's troops, who were auxiliaries of the Carthaginians. Their affairs 
at this time began to be in a bad condition; and they thought it might be 
greatly for their interest, if they could bring over Syphax to themselves. 
This in time they actually effected; and to strengthen their new alliance, 
commanded Asdrubal to give his daughter to Syphax. (It is probable their 
ingratitude to Massinissa arose from
<pb n="141" xml:id="p1-141"/>
the great change of affairs, which had happened among the Massylians during 
his absence; for his father and uncle were dead, and a distant relation of 
the royal family had usurped the throne.) Sophonisba was accordingly married 
to Syphax: and Massinissa, enraged at the affront, became a friend to the 
Romans. They drove the Carthaginians before them out of Spain, and carried 
the war into Africa, defeated Syphax, and took him prisoner; upon which 
Cirtha (his capital) opened her gates to Laelius and Massinissa. The rest of 
the affair, the marriage, and the sending of poison, everybody knows. This 
is partly taken from Livy, and partly from Appian. . . .
</p><p rend="center">AKENSIDE'S PLEASURES OF THE IMAGINATION, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, April 26,
1744</emph>]</p> 
<p>. . . You desire to know, it seems, what Character the Poem of your <anchor xml:id="an141_17"/><ref target="#n141_17">young 
Friend</ref> bears here. I wonder to hear you ask the Opinion of a Nation, where 
those who pretend to judge, don't judge at all; and the rest (the wiser Part) 
wait to catch the Judgment of the world immediately above them, that is, 
Dick's Coffee-House, and the Rainbow; so that the readier Way would
<pb n="142" xml:id="p1-142"/>
be to ask Mrs. This and Mrs. T'other, that keeps the Bar there. However, to 
shew you I'm a Judge, as well as my Countrymen, tho' I have rather turn'd it 
over, than read it (but no matter: no more have they), it seems to me above 
the middling, and now and then (but for a little while) rises even to the 
best, particularly in Description. It is often obscure, and even 
unintelligible, and too much infected with the <anchor xml:id="an142_9"/><ref target="#n142_9">Hutchinson-Jargon</ref>; in short 
its great fault is that it was published at least nine Years too early; and 
so methinks in a few Words, <anchor xml:id="an142_12"/><ref target="#n142_12">à la Mode du Temple</ref>, I have very pertly 
dispatch'd what perhaps may for several years have employed a very ingenious 
Man worth fifty of myself. Here is a small poem, called <anchor xml:id="an142_16"/><ref target="#n142_16">the Enthusiast</ref>, which 
is all pure Description, and as they tell me by the same Hand. Is it so, or 
not? Item, a more bulky one upon <anchor xml:id="an142_18"/><ref target="#n142_18">Health</ref>, wrote by a physician: do you know 
him?  . . .
</p><p>You are much in the Right to have a taste for Socrates, he was a divine 
Man. I must tell you, by way of the News of the Place, that the other day, 
<anchor xml:id="an142_23"/><ref target="#n142_23">Mr. Fraigneau</ref>
(entering upon his Professorship) made an Apology for him an 
Hour long in the Schools, and all the world, except Trinity-College, brought 
in Socrates Guilty. . . .
<pb n="143" xml:id="p1-143"/>
</p><ab rend="center">ARISTOTLE</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, September 11, 1746</emph>]</p>
<p>I take it very ill you should have been in <anchor xml:id="an143_3"/><ref target="#n143_3">the twentieth Year of the War</ref>, 
and yet say nothing of the Retreat from before Syracuse: is it, or is it not 
the finest Thing you ever read in your Life? And how does <anchor xml:id="an143_6"/><ref target="#n143_6">Xenophon, or Plutarch</ref> 
agree with you? For my Part I read Aristotle; his Poetics, Politics, 
and Morals, though I don't well know which is which. In the first Place he is 
the hardest Author by far I ever meddled with. Then he has a dry Conciseness, 
that makes one imagine one is perusing a Table of Contents rather than a Book; 
it tastes for all the World like chop'd Hay, or rather like chop'd Logic; for 
he has a violent Affection to that Art, being in some Sort his own Invention; 
so that he often loses himself in little trifling Distinctions and verbal 
Niceties, and what is worse leaves you to extricate yourself as you can. 
Thirdly, he has suffered vastly by the Transcribblers, as all Authors of great 
Brevity necessarily must. Fourthly and lastly he has abundance of fine 
uncommon Things, which make him well worth the Pains he gives one. . . .
<pb n="144" xml:id="p1-144"/>
</p><ab rend="center">WARTON AND COLLINS</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, probably from Cambridge, December
27, 1746</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . Have you seen the Works of two young Authors, <anchor xml:id="an144_3"/><ref target="#n144_3">a Mr. Warton and a Mr. 
Collins</ref>, both Writers of Odes? It is odd enough, but each is the half of a 
considerable Man, and one the counterpart of the other. The first has but 
little Invention, very poetical choice of Expression, and a good Ear. The 
second, a fine fancy, model'd upon the Antique, a bad Ear, great Variety of 
Words, and Images with no Choice at all. They both deserve to last some years, 
but will not . . .
</p><p rend="center">COLLEY CIBBER'S CICERO</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole, from Cambridge, 1747</emph>]</p>
<p>I had been absent from this place a few days, and at my return found 
<anchor xml:id="an144_14"/><ref target="#n144_14">Cibber's book</ref> upon my
table: I return you my thanks for it, and have already 
run over a considerable part; for who could resist <anchor xml:id="an144_17"/><ref target="#n144_17">Mrs. Letitia Pilkington's</ref> 
recommendation? (By the way is there any such gentlewoman? Or has somebody 
put on the style of a scribbling woman's panegyric to deceive and laugh at 
Colley?)  He seems to me full as pert
<pb n="145" xml:id="p1-145"/>
and as dull as usual. There are whole pages of common-place stuff, that for 
stupidity might have been wrote by <anchor xml:id="an145_3"/><ref target="#n145_3">Dr. Waterland</ref>, or any other grave divine, 
did not the flirting saucy phrase give them at a distance an air of youth and 
gaity. It is very true, he is often in the right with regard to Tully's 
weaknesses; but was there any one that did not see them? Those, I imagine, 
that would find a man after God's own heart, are no more likely to trust <anchor xml:id="an145_10"/><ref target="#n145_10">the Doctor's 
recommendation</ref> than the Player's; and as to Reason and Truth, would 
they know their own faces, do you think, if they looked in the glass, and 
saw themselves so bedizened in tattered fringe and tarnished lace, in French 
jewels, and dirty furbelows, the frippery of a stroller's wardrobe?
</p><p>Literature, to take it in its most comprehensive sense, and include 
everything that requires invention or judgment, or barely application and 
industry, seems indeed drawing apace to its dissolution, and remarkably since 
the beginning of the war. I remember to have read <anchor xml:id="an145_23"/><ref target="#n145_23">Mr. Spence's pretty book</ref>; 
though (as he then had not been at Rome for the last time) it must have 
increased greatly since that in bulk. If you ask me what I read, I protest I 
do not recollect one syllable; but only in general, that they were the best 
bred sort of men in the world, just the kind of <emph>frinds</emph>
<pb n="146" xml:id="p1-146"/>
one would wish to meet in a fine summer's evening, if one wished to meet any 
at all. The heads and tails of the dialogues, published separate in 16mo, 
would make the sweetest reading in <emph>natiur</emph> for young gentlemen of 
family and fortune, that are learning to dance. I rejoice to hear there is 
such a crowd of dramatical performances coming upon the stage. . . .
</p><p rend="center">SPENCE'S POLYMETIS</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole, from Cambridge, 1747</emph>]</p>
<p>I have abundance of thanks to return you for the entertainment Mr. 
Spence's book has given me, which I have almost run over already; and I much 
fear (see what it is to make a figure) the breadth of the margin, and the 
neatness of the prints, which are better done than one could expect, have 
prevailed upon me to like it far better than I did in manuscript; for I 
think it is not the very genteel deportment of Polymetis, nor the lively wit 
of Mysagetes, that have at all corrupted me.
</p><p>There is one fundamental fault, from whence most of the little faults 
throughout the whole arise. He professes to neglect the Greek writers, who 
could have given him more instruction on
<pb n="147" xml:id="p1-147"/>
the very heads he professes to treat, than all the others put together; who 
does not know, that upon the Latin, the Sabine and Hetruscan mythology (which 
probably might themselves, at a remoter period of time, owe their origin to 
Greece too) the Romans ingrafted almost the whole religion of Greece to make 
what is called their own? It would be hard to find any one circumstance that 
is properly of their invention. In the ruder days of the republic, the 
picturesque part of their religion (which is the province he has chose, and 
would be thought to confine himself to) was probably borrowed entirely from 
the Tuscans, who, as a wealthy and trading people, may be well supposed, and 
indeed are known, to have had the arts flourishing in a considerable degree 
among them. What could inform him here, but Dio. Halicarnassus (who expressly 
treats of those times with great curiosity and industry) and the remains of 
the first Roman writers? The former he has neglected as a Greek; and the 
latter, he says, were but little acquainted with the arts, and consequently 
are but of small authority. In the better ages, when every temple and public 
building in Rome was peopled with imported deities and heroes, and when all 
the artists of reputation they made use of were Greeks, what wonder, if their 
eyes grew familiarised to Grecian forms and habits
<pb n="148" xml:id="p1-148"/>
(especially in a matter of this kind, where so much depends upon the 
imagination); and if those figures introduced with them a belief of such 
fables, as first gave them being, and dressed them out in their various 
attributes, it was natural then, and (I should think) necessary, to go to 
the source itself, the Greek accounts of their own religion; but to say the 
truth, I suspect he was <anchor xml:id="an148_9"/><ref target="#n148_9">a
little conversant</ref> in those books and that language; 
for he rarely quotes any but Lucian, an author that falls in everybody's way, 
and who lived at the very extremity of that period he has set to his 
enquiries, later than any of the poets he has meddled with, and for that 
reason ought to have been regarded as but an indifferent authority; 
especially being a Syrian too. His book (as he says himself) is, I think, 
rather a beginning than a perfect work; but a beginning at the wrong end: 
for if anybody should finish it by enquiring into the Greek mythology, as he 
proposes, it will be necessary to read it backward.
</p><p>There are several little neglects, that one might have told him of, which 
I noted in reading it hastily; as page 311, a discourse about orange-trees, 
occasioned by Virgil's "inter odoratum lauri nemus," where he fancies the 
Roman Laurus to be <anchor xml:id="an148_27"/><ref target="#n148_27">our
Laurel</ref>; though undoubtedly the bay-tree, which is 
<emph>odoratum,</emph> and (I believe) still
<pb n="149" xml:id="p1-149"/>
called Lauro, or Alloro, at Rome; and that the "Malum Medicum" in the Georgic 
is the orange; though Theophrastus, whence Virgil borrowed it, or even Pliny, 
whom he himself quotes, might convince him it is the cedrato which he has 
often tasted at Florence. Page 144 is an account of Domenichino's Cardinal 
Virtues, and a fling at the Jesuits, neither of which belong to them. The 
painting is in a church of the Barnabiti, dedicated to St. Carlo Borromeo, 
whose motto is HUMILITAS. Page 151, in a note, he says, the old Romans did 
not regard Fortune as a Deity; tho' Servius Tullius (whom she was said to be 
in love with; nay, there was actually an affair between them) founded her 
temple in Foro Boario. By the way, her worship was Greek, and this king was 
educated in the family of Tarquinius Priscus, whose father was a Corinthian; 
so it is easy to conceive how early the religion of Rome might be mixed with 
that of Greece, etc. etc. . . .
</p><p rend="center">LYTTELTON'S ELEGY, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole, from Cambridge, November,
1747</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I am not totally of your mind as to <anchor xml:id="an149_24-1" n="an149_24"/><ref target="#n149_24">Mr. Lyttleton's elegy</ref>, though I 
love <anchor xml:id="an149_24-2" n="an149_24"/><ref target="#n149_24">kids and fawns</ref>
<pb n="150" xml:id="p1-150"/>
as little as you do. If it were all like the fourth stanza, I should be 
excessively pleased. Nature and sorrow, and tenderness, are the true genius 
of such things; and something of these I find in several parts of it (not in 
the orange-tree): poetical ornaments, are foreign to the purpose; for they 
only shew a man is not sorry; — and devotion worse; for it teaches him 
that he ought not to be sorry, which is all the pleasure of the thing. I beg 
leave to turn your weathercock the contrary way. <anchor xml:id="an150_11"/><ref target="#n150_11">Your epistle</ref> I have not 
seen a great while, and Dr. M— is not in the way to give me a sight of 
it: but I remember enough to be sure all the world will be pleased with it, 
even with all its <emph>faults upon its head,</emph> if you don't care to mend 
them. I would try to do it myself (however hazardous), rather than it should 
remain unpublished. . . .
</p><p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, November 30,
1747</emph>]</p> 
<p>. . . Have you seen Lyttelton's Monody on his Wife's Death? There are 
Parts of it too stiff and poetical; but others truly tender and elegiac, as 
one would wish. Dodsley is publishing three Miscellaneous Volumes; some new, 
many that have been already printed. Lyttelton, <anchor xml:id="an150_25"/><ref target="#n150_25">Nugent</ref>, and <anchor xml:id="an150_26"/><ref target="#n150_26">G. West</ref> have 
given him several Things of theirs. Mr. W[alpole] has given him three Odes
<pb n="151" xml:id="p1-151"/>
of mine (which you have seen before) and <anchor xml:id="an151_2"/><ref target="#n151_2">one of Mr. West's</ref> (my friend who is 
dead) which in spite of the Subject is excellent: it is on the late Queen's 
Death. There is a Mr. <anchor xml:id="an151_5-1" n="an151_5"/><ref target="#n151_5">Archibald Bower</ref>, a Scotchman bred in Italy,
<anchor xml:id="an151_5-2" n="an151_5"/><ref target="#n151_5">Professor</ref> 
in three Universities there, and of the Inquisition. He was employed by the 
Court of Rome to write a History of the Popes. As he searched into the 
Materials, his eyes were open'd: he came to England, has changed his religion, 
and continues his Work in our language under the patronage of Mr. Pitt, the 
Yorks, &amp;c. The Preface is come out with the Proposals, and promises 
exceeding well. Doubtless there is no part of history more curious, if it be 
well perform'd. . . .
</p><p rend="center">LE MÉCHANT, LE SIDNEY, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, probably from Cambridge, June 5,
1748</emph>]</p> 
<p>. . . Your opinion of Diodorus is doubtless right; but there are Things in 
him very curious, got out of better Authors, now lost. Do you remember the 
Egyptian History, and particularly <anchor xml:id="an151_21"/><ref target="#n151_21">the account of the Gold-Mines?</ref> My own 
Readings have been cruelly interrupted. What I have been highly pleased with 
is the new Comedy from Paris, by <anchor xml:id="an151_24"/><ref target="#n151_24">Gresset</ref>; Le Méchant, one of the very 
<pb n="152" xml:id="p1-152"/>
best Dramas I ever met with. If you have it not, buy his Works altogether in 
two little Volumes. They are collected by the Dutch Booksellers, and 
consequently there is some Trash; but then there are the Ver-vert, the 
epistle to P. Bougeant, the Chartreuse, that to his sister, an ode on his 
Country, and another on Mediocrity; and the Sidnei, another comedy, which 
have great beauties. There is a poem by Thomson, <anchor xml:id="an152_9"/><ref target="#n152_9">the Castle of Indolence</ref>, 
with some good Stanzas. <anchor xml:id="an152_10"/><ref target="#n152_10">Mr. Mason</ref> is my acquaintance: I liked that Ode
very much, but have found no one else, that did. He has much Fancy, little 
Judgement, and a good deal of Modesty. I take him for a good and well-meaning 
Creature; but then he is really <emph>in Simplicity a Child,</emph> and loves 
everybody he meets with: he reads little or nothing, writes abundance, and 
that with a design to make his fortune by it. . . .
</p><p rend="center">DODSLEY'S MISCELLANY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole, 1748</emph>]</p> 
<p>I am obliged to you for <anchor xml:id="an152_20"/><ref target="#n152_20">Mr. Dodsley's book</ref>, and having pretty well
looked it over, will (as you desire) tell you my opinion of it. He might,
methinks, have spared the graces in his frontispiece, if he chose to be
economical, and dressed his
<pb n="153" xml:id="p1-153"/>
authors in a little more decent raiment — not in whited-brown paper, and 
distorted characters, like an old ballad. I am ashamed to see myself; but the 
company keeps me in countenance: so to begin with Mr. Tickell. This is not 
only <anchor xml:id="an153_6"/><ref target="#n153_6">a state-poem</ref> (my
ancient aversion), but a state-poem on the peace of 
Utrecht. If Mr. Pope had wrote a panegyric on it, one could hardly have read 
him with patience: but this is only a poor short-winded imitator of Addison, 
who had himself not above three or four notes in poetry, sweet enough indeed, 
like those of a German flute, but such as soon tire and satiate the ear with 
their frequent return. Tickell has added to this a great poverty of sense, 
and a string of transitions that hardly become a school-boy. However, I 
forgive him for the sake of <anchor xml:id="an153_17"/><ref target="#n153_17">his ballad</ref>, which I always thought the prettiest 
in the world.
</p><p>All there is of <anchor xml:id="an153_19"/><ref target="#n153_19">M. Green</ref> here, has been printed before; there is
a profusion of wit everywhere; reading would have formed his judgment, and 
harmonised his verse, for even his wood-notes often break out into strains of 
real poetry and music. <anchor xml:id="an153_24"/><ref target="#n153_24">The
"School Mistress"</ref> is excellent in its kind and 
masterly; and (I am sorry to differ from you, but) <anchor xml:id="an153_26"/><ref target="#n153_26">"London"</ref> is to me one of 
those few imitations that have all the ease and all the spirit of an
original. The same man's verses on the opening
<pb n="154" xml:id="p1-154"/>
of Garrick's theatre are far from bad. <anchor xml:id="an154_1"/><ref target="#n154_1">Mr. Dyer</ref> (here you will despise me 
highly) has more of poetry in his imagination than almost any of our number; 
but rough and injudicious. I should range <anchor xml:id="an154_5"/><ref target="#n154_5">Mr. Bramston</ref> only a step or two 
above Dr. King, who is as low in my estimation as in yours. Dr. Evans is a 
furious madman; and pre-existence is nonsense in all her altitudes. Mr. 
Lyttleton is a gentle elegiac person. <anchor xml:id="an154_9"/><ref target="#n154_9">Mr. Nugent</ref> sure did not write his own 
Ode. I like <anchor xml:id="an154_11"/><ref target="#n154_11">Mr. Whitehead's</ref> little poems, I mean the Ode on
a Tent, the 
Verses to Garrick, and particularly those to Charles Townsend, better than 
anything I had seen before of him. I gladly pass over H. Browne and the rest, 
to come at you. You know I was of the publishing side, and thought your 
reasons against it none; for though, as Mr. Chute said extremely well, the 
<emph>still small voice</emph> of Poetry was not made to be heard in a crowd; yet 
satire will be heard, for all the audience are by nature her friends; 
especially when she appears in the spirit of Dryden, with his strength, and 
often with his versification, such as you have caught in those lines on the 
Royal Unction, on the Papal Dominion, and Convents of both Sexes; on Henry 
VIII. and Charles II. for these are to me the shining parts of <anchor xml:id="an154_27"/><ref target="#n154_27">your Epistle</ref>.
There are many lines I could wish corrected, and some blotted out, but
<pb n="155" xml:id="p1-155"/>
beauties enough to atone for a thousand worse faults than these. The opinion 
of such as can at all judge, who saw it before in Dr. Middleton's hands, 
concurs nearly with mine. As to what any one says, since it came out; our 
people (you must know), are slow of judgment; they wait till some bold body 
saves them the trouble, and then follow his opinion; or stay till they hear 
what is said in town, that is at some Bishop's table, or some coffee-house 
about the Temple. When they are determined I will tell you faithfully their 
verdict. As for <anchor xml:id="an155_12"/><ref target="#n155_12">the 
beauties</ref> I am their most humble servant. What shall I 
say to <anchor xml:id="an155_14"/><ref target="#n155_14">Mr. Lowth,
Mr. Ridley, Mr. Rolle</ref>, <anchor xml:id="an155_15"/><ref target="#n155_15">the Reverend Mr. Brown, Seward</ref>, etc.? 
If I say Messieurs! this is not the thing; write prose, write sermons, write 
nothing at all; they will disdain me and my advice. What then would <anchor xml:id="an155_18"/><ref target="#n155_18">the sickly Peer</ref> 
have done, that spends so much time in admiring everything that 
has four legs, and fretting at his own misfortune in having but two; and 
cursing his own politic head and feeble constitution, that won't let him be 
such a beast as he would wish? <anchor xml:id="an155_24"/><ref target="#n155_24">Mr. S. Jenyns</ref> now and then can write a good 
line or two — such as these —<quote>
<lg><l>"Snatch us from all our little sorrows here,</l>
<l>Calm every grief, and dry each childish tear," etc.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p>I like Mr. Aston Hervey's Fable; and <anchor xml:id="an155_28"/><ref target="#n155_28">an Ode</ref> 
<pb n="156" xml:id="p1-156"/>
(the last of all) by Mr. Mason, a new acquaintance of mine, whose Musaeus 
too seems to carry with it a promise at least of something good to come. I 
was glad to see you distinguished who poor West was, before his charming Ode, 
and called it anything rather than a Pindaric. The town is an owl, if it 
don't like <anchor xml:id="an156_7"/><ref target="#n156_7">Lady Mary</ref>,
and I am surprised at it: we here are owls enough to 
think her eclogues very bad; but that I did not wonder at. Our present taste 
is <anchor xml:id="an156_11"/><ref target="#n156_11">Sir T. Fitz-Osborne's
Letters</ref>. . . .
</p><p rend="center">GRESSET, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Stoke, August 19,
1748</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I am glad you have had any Pleasure in Gresset: he seems to me a 
truly elegant and charming Writer. The Méchant is the best comedy I 
ever read. <anchor xml:id="an156_16"/><ref target="#n156_16">Edward</ref> I
could scarce get through: it is puerile; tho' there are 
good lines; such as this for Example:<quote>
Le jour d'un nouveau règne est le jour des ingrats.</quote>
But good Lines will make anything rather than a good Play. However you are 
to consider, this is a Collection made by the Dutch Booksellers. Many Things 
unfinish'd or wrote in his Youth,
<pb n="157" xml:id="p1-157"/>
or designed not for the World, but to make a few Friends laugh, as the Lutrin 
vivant, &amp;c.: there are two noble Verses, which as they are in the middle 
of an <emph>Ode to the King,</emph> may perhaps have escaped you:<quote>
<lg><l>Le Cri d'un peuple heureux, est la seule Éloquence,</l> 
<l>Qui sçait parler des Rois.</l></lg></quote>
which is very true, and should have been a Hint to himself not to write Odes 
to the King at all. . . .
</p><p rend="center">MONTESQUIEU'S L'ESPRIT DES LOIX</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, March 9,
1749</emph>]</p>
<p>You ask for some Account of Books. The principal I can tell you of is a 
work of <anchor xml:id="an157_13"/><ref target="#n157_13">the President
Montesquieu's</ref>, the Labour of twenty Years. It is called, 
L'Esprit des Loix, 2 vols. 4to. printed at Geneva. He lays down the Principles 
on which are founded the three Sorts of Government, Despotism, the limited 
Monarchic, and the Republican, and shews how from thence are deducted the 
Laws and Customs, by which they are guided and maintained: the Education 
proper to each Form, the influences of Climate, Situation, religion, &amp;c.: 
on the Minds of particular Nations, and on their Policy. The Subject (you see) 
is as
<pb n="158" xml:id="p1-158"/>
extensive as Mankind; the Thoughts perfectly new, generally admirable, as 
they are just, sometimes a little too refined: in short there are Faults, but 
such as an ordinary Man could never have committed: the Style very lively and 
concise (consequently sometimes obscure); it is the Gravity of Tacitus (whom 
he admires) temper'd with the Gayety and fire of a Frenchman. . . .
</p><p rend="center">CRÉBILLON'S CATILINA, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, April 25,
1749</emph>]</p> 
<p>. . . Rosse's "Epistles of Tully ad Familiares" will come out in about a 
Week. It is in two handsome 8vo Volumes, with an Introduction and Notes in 
English, but no Translation, dedicated to Lord Gower. Now I am come to Books, 
there is a new edition of Montesquieu's Work (which I mentioned to you before) 
publishing in 2 vols. 8vo. Have you seen old Crébillon's "<anchor xml:id="an158_17"/><ref target="#n158_17">Catilina</ref>, a 
Tragedy," which has had a prodigious Run at Paris? Historical Truth is too 
much perverted by it, which is ridiculous in a Story so generally known: but 
if you can get over this, the Sentiments and Versification are fine, and most 
of the Characters (particularly the principal one) painted with great Spirit. 
Observe, if you chuse to send
<pb n="159" xml:id="p1-159"/>
for it, not to have Brindley's Edition, which is all false Prints, but 
Vaillant's. There is a Work publishing in Denmark by Subscription (4 guineas)
"<anchor xml:id="an159_4"/><ref target="#n159_4">Travels in Egypt</ref>," by
Captain Norden. He was once in England (as Tutor to a 
young Count Daniskiold, hereditary Admiral of Denmark) and known to many 
Persons for a Man of Sense, and that understood Drawing extremely well: 
accordingly it is the Plates, that raise it to such a Price, and are said to 
be excellent. The Author himself is dead, and his papers are publish'd by the 
Academy at Copenhagen. <anchor xml:id="an159_12"/><ref target="#n159_12">Mr. Birch</ref>, the indefatigable, has just put out a
thick 8vo of original papers of Queen Elizabeth's Time. There are many curious 
Things in it, particularly Letters from Sir Robert Cecil (Salisbury) about his 
Negotiations with Henry the Fourth of France; the Earl of Monmouth's odd 
Account of Queen Elizabeth's Death, several Peculiarities of James First, and 
Prince Henry, &amp;c.; and above all an excellent Account of the State of 
France with Characters of the King, his Court and Ministry, by Sir G. Carew, 
Ambassador there. This, I think, is all new worth mentioning, that I have seen 
or heard of, except a natural History of Peru in Spanish, printed at London by 
Don— something, a Man of Learning, sent thither by that Court on 
Purpose. . . .
<pb n="160" xml:id="p1-160"/>
</p><ab rend="center">MASON</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, August 8,
1749</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . <anchor xml:id="an160_2"/><ref target="#n160_2">Mason's Ode</ref> was
the only Entertainment, that had any tolerable 
Elegance; and for my own Part, I think it (with some little abatements) 
uncommonly well on such an Occasion. Pray let me know your Sentiments, for 
doubtless you have seen it. The Author of it grows apace into my good Graces, 
as I know him more: he is very ingenious with great Good-Nature and
Simplicity. A little vain, but in so harmless and so comical a Way, that it 
does not offend one at all; a little ambitious, but withal so ignorant in the 
World and its Ways, that this does not hurt him in one's Opinion. So sincere 
and so undisguised, that no Mind with a Spark of Generosity would ever think 
of hurting him, he lies so open to Injury. But so indolent, that if he cannot 
overcome this Habit, all his good Qualities will signify nothing at all. 
After all I like him so well, I could wish you knew him. . . .
</p><p rend="center">ASHTON'S DISSERTATION</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole, from Stoke, June 12, 1750</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . Now I have talked of writings, I have seen <anchor xml:id="an160_23"/><ref target="#n160_23">a book</ref> which is by this time in the press,
<pb n="161" xml:id="p1-161"/>
against Middleton (though without naming him), by Ashton. As far as I can 
judge from a very hasty reading, there are things in it new and ingenious, 
but rather too prolix, and the style here and there savouring too strongly of 
sermon. I imagine it will do him credit. . . .
</p><p rend="center">BUFFON AND D'AUBENTON'S HISTOIRE DU CABINET DU ROI</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Stoke, August 9, 1750.</ab>
<p>My dear Wharton — Aristotle says (one may write Greek to you without 
scandal) that <anchor xml:id="an161_11"/><ref target="#n161_11">[Greek
sentences (omitted)]</ref>,<quote>
[Greek line (omitted)]</quote>
But Aristotle may say whatever he pleases. I do not find myself at all the 
worse for it. I could indeed wish to refresh my [Greek word (omitted)] a 
little at Durham by a Sight of you, but when is there a Probability of my 
being so happy? It concerned me greatly when I heard the other Day, that 
your Asthma continued at Times to afflict you, and that you were often 
obliged to go into the Country to breathe. You cannot oblige me more than
<pb n="162" xml:id="p1-162"/>
by giving me an account of the State both of your Body and Mind; I hope the 
latter is able to keep you cheerful and easy in spite of the Frailties of 
its Companion. As to my own, it can do neither one, nor the other; and I 
have the Mortification to find my spiritual Part the most infirm Thing about 
me. You have doubtless heard of the loss I have had in <anchor xml:id="an162_8"/><ref target="#n162_8">Dr. Middleton</ref>, whose 
House was the only easy Place one could find to converse in at Cambridge. For 
my Part I find a Friend so uncommon a Thing, that I cannot help regretting 
even an old Acquaintance, which is an indifferent Likeness of it, and though 
I don't approve the Spirit of his Books, methinks 'tis pity the World should 
lose so rare a Thing as <anchor xml:id="an162_16"/><ref target="#n162_16">a
good Writer</ref>. My studies cannot furnish a 
Recommendation of many new Books to you. There is a Defense de l'Esprit des 
Loix, <anchor xml:id="an162_19"/><ref target="#n162_19">by Montesquieu
himself</ref>. It has some lively things in it, but is very 
short, and his Adversary appears to be so mean a Bigot, that he deserved no 
Answer. There are three vols. in 4to of <anchor xml:id="an162_23-1" n="an162_23"/><ref target="#n162_23">Histoire de Cabinet du Roi</ref>, by 
Messrs. <anchor xml:id="an162_23-2" n="an162_23"/><ref target="#n162_23">Buffon</ref> and
D'Aubenton. The first is a Man of Character, but (I am 
told) has hurt it by this Work. It is all a sort of Introduction to Natural 
History. The weak Part of it is a Love of System, which runs through it, the 
most contrary Thing in the World to a Science,
<pb n="163" xml:id="p1-163"/>
entirely grounded upon Experiments, and that has nothing to do with <anchor xml:id="an163_3"/><ref target="#n163_3">Vivacity of Imagination</ref>. 
There are some microscopical Observations, that seem'd curious 
to me, on those Animalcula to which we are supposed to owe our Origin; and 
which he has discover'd of like Figure in Females not pregnant, and in almost 
every Thing we use for Nourishment, even Vegetables, particularly in their 
Fruits and Seeds. Not that he allows them to be animated Bodies, but
<emph>Molecules organisées.</emph> If you ask what that is, I cannot tell; 
no more than I can understand a new System of Generation which he builds upon 
it. But what I was going to commend is a general View he gives of the Face of 
the Earth, followed by a particular one of all known Nations, their peculiar 
Figure and Manners, which is the best Epitome of Geography I ever met with, 
and wrote with Sense, and Elegance: in short these Books are well worth 
turning over. The Mémoires of <anchor xml:id="an163_21"/><ref target="#n163_21">the Abbé de Mongon</ref> in five vols. 
are highly commended, but I have not seen them. He was engaged in several 
Embassies to Germany, England, &amp;c., during the Course of the late War. 
The <anchor xml:id="an163_25"/><ref target="#n163_25">Presid. Henault's</ref>
Abrégé Chronologique de l'Histoire de 
France I believe I have before mention'd to you, as a very good Book of its 
Kind.
<pb n="164" xml:id="p1-164"/>
</p><ab rend="center">MASON'S ELFRIDA</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole, from Cambridge, Ash-Wednesday,
1751</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . You will take me for a mere poet, and a fetcher and carrier of 
sing-song, if I tell you that I intend to send you the beginning of a drama, 
not mine, thank God, as you will believe, when you hear it is finished, but 
wrote by a person whom I have a very good opinion of. It is (unfortunately) 
in the manner of the ancient drama, with choruses, which I am to my shame the 
occasion of; for, as great part of it was at first written in that form, I 
would not suffer him to change it to a play fit for the stage, and as he 
intended, because the lyric parts are the best of it, they must have been 
lost. The story is Saxon, and the language has a tang of Shakespeare, that 
suits an old-fashioned fable very well. In short I don't do it merely to 
amuse you, but for the sake of the author, who wants a judge, and so I would 
lend him <emph>mine:</emph> yet not without your leave, lest you should have us 
up to dirty our stockings at the bar of your house, for wasting the time and 
politics of the <emph>nation.</emph>
<pb n="165" xml:id="p1-165"/>
</p><ab rend="center">THE FINE LADY, ETC.</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole, from Cambridge, March 3,
1751</emph>]</p> 
<p>. . . <anchor xml:id="an165_2"/><ref target="#n165_2"><emph>Gil
Blas</emph></ref> is the <emph>Lying Valet</emph> in five acts. <anchor xml:id="an165_3"/><ref target="#n165_3">The 
<emph>Fine Lady</emph></ref> has half a dozen good lines dispersed in
it. <emph>Pompey</emph> is the hasty production of a <anchor xml:id="an165_5-1" n="an165_5"/><ref target="#n165_5">Mr. Coventry</ref> (cousin <anchor xml:id="an165_5-2" n="an165_5"/><ref target="#n165_5">to him you knew</ref>), a young clergyman; 
I found it out by three characters, which once 
made part of a comedy that he shewed me of his own writing. Has that miracle 
of <emph>tenderness and sensibility</emph> (as she calls it) <anchor xml:id="an165_10"/><ref target="#n165_10">Lady Vane</ref> given you 
any amusement? <emph>Peregrine,</emph> whom she uses as a vehicle, is very poor 
indeed, with a few exceptions. In the last volume is a character of Mr. 
Lyttleton, under the name of <anchor xml:id="an165_14"/><ref target="#n165_14">"Gosling Scrag,"</ref> and a parody of part of his 
Monody, under the notion of a Pastoral on the death of his grandmother.
</p><p rend="center"><anchor xml:id="an165_17"/><ref target="#n165_17">REMARKS
ON THE LETTERS PREFIXED TO MASON'S ELFRIDA</ref></p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, 1751</emph>]</p> 
<p rend="center">I</p>
<p><anchor xml:id="an165_18"/><ref target="#n165_18">Dear Sir — very
bad; I am yours</ref> — equally bad: it is 
impossible to conciliate these passages to nature and Aristotle.
<pb n="166" xml:id="p1-166"/>
</p><p>"<emph>Allowed to modern caprice.</emph>" — It is not caprice but good 
sense that made these alterations in the modern drama. A greater liberty in 
the choice of the fable and the conduct of it was the necessary consequence 
of retrenching the Chorus. <anchor xml:id="an166_6"/><ref target="#n166_6">Love and tenderness</ref> delight in privacy. The soft 
effusions of the soul, Mr. Mason, will not bear the presence of a gaping, 
singing, dancing, moralising, uninteresting crowd: and not love alone, but 
every passion, is checked and cooled by this fiddling crew. How could Macbeth 
and his wife have laid the design for Duncan's murder? What could they have 
said to each other in the hall at midnight not only if a chorus but if a 
single mouse had been stirring there? Could Hamlet have met the Ghost or 
taken his mother to task in <emph>their</emph> Company? If Othello had said a 
harsh word to his wife before <emph>them,</emph> would they not have danced to 
the window and called the watch?
</p><p>The ancients were perpetually crossed and harassed by the necessity of 
using the Chorus, and, if they have done wonders notwithstanding this clog, 
sure I am they would have performed still greater wonders without it. For 
the same reason we may be allowed to admit of <anchor xml:id="an166_26"/><ref target="#n166_26">more intrigue</ref> in our drama, to 
bring about a great action — it is often an essential requisite; and it 
is not fair to argue against this liberty for that misuse
<pb n="167" xml:id="p1-167"/>
of it which is common to us, and was formerly so with the French, namely, the 
giving in to a silly intimacy of plot, in imitation of the Spanish dramas. We 
have also, since Charles the Second's time, imitated the French (though but 
awkwardly) in framing scenes of mere insipid gallantry; but these were the 
faults of the writers and not of the art, which enables us, with the help of 
a little contrivance, to have as much love as we please, without playing the 
petits maîtres or building labyrinths.
</p><p>I forgot to mention that <emph>Comedy</emph> continued to be an odd sort of 
farce, very like those of the Italian theatre, till the Chorus was dismissed, 
when nature and Menander brought it into that beautiful form which we find 
in Terence. <emph>Tragedy</emph> was not so happy till modern times.
</p><p rend="center">II</p>
<p>I do not admit that the excellences of the French writers are measured by 
<anchor xml:id="an167_20"/><ref target="#n167_20">the verisimilitude or the
regularities</ref> of their dramas <emph>only.</emph> Nothing 
in them, or in our own, even Shakespere himself, ever touches us, unless 
rendered <emph>verisimile,</emph> which, by good management, may be accomplished 
even in such absurd stories as the Tempest, the witches in Macbeth, or the 
fairies in the Midsummer
<pb n="168" xml:id="p1-168"/>
Night's Dream; and I know not of any writer that has pleased chiefly in 
proportion to his <emph>regularity.</emph> Other beauties may, indeed, be 
heightened and set off by its means, but of itself it hardly pleases at all. 
Venice Preserved or Jane Shore are not so regular as the Orphan, or Tamerlane, 
or Lady Jane Grey.
</p><p rend="center">III</p>
<p><anchor xml:id="an168_8"/><ref target="#n168_8"><emph>Modern
Melpomene</emph></ref>. — Here are we got into our tantarems! It 
is certain that pure poetry may be introduced without any Chorus. I refer you 
to a thousand passages of <emph>mere</emph> description in the Iambic parts of 
Greek tragedies, and to ten thousand in Shakspere, who is moreover 
particularly admirable in his introduction of pure poetry, so as to join it 
with pure passion, and yet keep close to nature. This <emph>he</emph> could 
accomplish with passions the most violent and transporting, and this any good 
writer may do with passions less impetuous; for it is nonsense to imagine 
that tragedy must <emph>throughout</emph> be agitated with the furious passions, 
or attached by the tender ones: the greater part of it must often be spent in 
a preparation of these passions, in a gradual working them up to the light, 
and must thus pass through a great many cooler scenes and a variety of
<emph>nuances,</emph> each
<pb n="169" xml:id="p1-169"/>
of which will admit of a proper degree of poetry, and some the purest poetry. 
Nay, the boldest metaphors, and even description in its strongest colouring, 
are the natural expression of some passions, even in their greatest
agitation. As to moral reflections, there is sufficient room for them in 
those cooler scenes that I have mentioned, and they make the greatest 
ornaments of those parts, that is to say, if they are well joined with the 
character. If not, they had better be left to the audience than put into the 
mouths of a set of professed moralists, who keep a shop of sentences and 
reflections (I mean the Chorus), whether they be sages, as you call them, or 
<anchor xml:id="an169_14"/><ref target="#n169_14">young girls</ref> that
learnt them by heart out of their samples and primers.
</p><p>There is nothing ungracious or improper in <anchor xml:id="an169_18"/><ref target="#n169_18">Jane Shore's reflections</ref> on the 
fate of women, but just the contrary, only that they are in rhyme; and, in 
like manner, it is far from a beautiful variety when the Chorus makes a 
transition in <anchor xml:id="an169_22"/><ref target="#n169_22">the
—</ref> from plain iambics to high-flown lyric thoughts, 
expressions, and numbers, and, when their vagaries are over, relapse again 
into common sense and conversation. A confidante in skilful hands might be a 
character, and have both sense and dignity. That in <anchor xml:id="an169_27"/><ref target="#n169_27">Maffei's Merope</ref> has as much as any Chorus.
<pb n="170" xml:id="p1-170"/>
The Greeks might sing better than the French, but I'll be burnt if they
<emph>danced</emph> with more grace, expression, or even pathos. Yet who ever 
thought of shedding tears at a French opera?
</p><p rend="center">IV</p>
<p>If modern music cannot, as you say, <anchor xml:id="an170_6"/><ref target="#n170_6">express poetry</ref>, it is not a perfection, 
but a deterioration. You might as well say that the <emph>perfectionnement</emph>
of poetry would be the rendering it incapable of expressing the passions.
</p><p rend="center">MIDDLETON'S WORKS, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole</emph>]</p> 
<ab rend="right">Cambridge, October 8, 1751.</ab>
<p>I send you this (as you desire) merely to make up half a dozen; though it 
will hardly answer your end in furnishing out either a head or a tailpiece. 
But your own fable may much better supply the place. You have altered it to 
its advantage; but there is still something a little embarrassed here and 
there in the expression. I rejoice to find you apply (pardon the use of so 
odious a word) to the history of your own times. Speak, and spare not. Be as 
impartial as you can; and after
<pb n="171" xml:id="p1-171"/>
all, the world will not believe you are so, though you should make as many 
protestations as <anchor xml:id="an171_3"/><ref target="rfttr1:341#n171_3">bishop
Burnet</ref>. They will feel in their own breast, and find 
it very possible to hate fourscore persons, yea, ninety and nine: so you 
must rest satisfied with the testimony of your own conscience. Somebody has 
laughed at Mr. Dodsley, or at me, when they talked of the <emph>bat:</emph> I 
have nothing more either nocturnal or diurnal, to deck his miscellany with. 
We have <anchor xml:id="an171_10"/><ref target="#n171_10">a man here</ref>
that writes a good hand; but he has little failings that 
hinder my recommending him to you. He is lousy, and he is mad: he sets out 
this week for Bedlam; but if you insist upon it, I don't doubt he will pay 
his respects to you. I have seen two of <anchor xml:id="an171_15"/><ref target="#n171_15">Dr. Middleton's</ref> unpublished works. 
One is about 44 pages in 4to. against <anchor xml:id="an171_17"/><ref target="rfttr1:341#n171_17">Dr. Waterland</ref>, who wrote a very orthodox 
book on the <emph>Importance of the Doctrine of the Trinity,</emph> and insisted 
that Christians ought to have no communion with such as differ from them in 
fundamentals. Middleton enters no farther into the doctrine itself than to 
shew that a mere speculative point can never be called a fundamental: and 
that the earlier fathers, on whose concurrent tradition Waterland would build, 
are so far, when they speak of the three persons, from agreeing with the 
present notion of our church, that they declare for the inferiority of the 
Son, and seem
<pb n="172" xml:id="p1-172"/>
to have no clear and distinct idea of the Holy Ghost at all. The rest is 
employed in exposing the folly and cruelty of stiffness and zealotism in 
religion, and in shewing that the primitive ages of the church, in which 
tradition had its rise, were (even by the confession of the best scholars 
and most orthodox writers) <emph>the aera of nonsense and absurdity.</emph> It 
is finished and very well wrote; but has been mostly incorporated into his 
other works, particularly the enquiry; and for this reason, I suppose, he 
has writ upon it, "<emph>This wholly laid aside.</emph>" <anchor xml:id="an172_12"/><ref target="#n172_12">The second</ref> is in Latin, 
on miracles; to shew, that of the two methods of defending Christianity, one 
from its intrinsic evidence, the holiness and purity of its doctrines, the 
other from its external, the miracles said to be wrought confirm it; the 
first has been little attended to by reason of its difficulty; the second 
much insisted upon, because it appeared an easier task; but that, in reality, 
it can prove nothing at all. "Nobilis illa quidem defensio (the first) quam 
si obtinere potuissent, rem simul omnem expediisse, causamque penitus vicisse 
viderentur. At causae hujus defendendae labor cum tantâ argumentandi 
cavillandique molestiâ conjunctus, ad alteram, quam dixi, defensionis 
viam, ut commodiorem longè et faciliorem, plerosque adegit
—— ego verò istiusmodi defensione religionem nostram
<pb n="173" xml:id="p1-173"/>
non modo non confirmari, sed dubiam potiùs suspectamque reddi
existimo." He then proceeds to consider miracles in general, and afterwards 
those of the Pagans compared with those of Christ. I only tell you the plan, 
for I have not read it out (though it is short); but you will not doubt to 
what conclusion it tends. There is another thing, I know not what, I am to 
see. As to the <emph>Treatise on Prayer,</emph> they say it is burnt indeed.
</p><p rend="center">MEMOIRS BY FREDERICK II., ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, December 18,
1751</emph>]</p>
<p><anchor xml:id="an173_11"/><ref target="#n173_11">His Prussian
Majesty</ref> has published the <emph>Suite des Memoires,</emph> pour 
servir à l'Histoire de la Maison de Brandebourg, which includes a very 
free account of his Grandfather's Life, who was the first King of that House, 
reflections on the gradual Advance in science, Commerce, &amp;c., of his 
Subjects, and on their Changes in Religion. It is much in Voltaire's Manner. 
The book itself is at present hard to be got, but you may see a good Extract 
of it in the <emph>Mercure historique,</emph> a Work publish'd Monthly: whether 
it is in that for October or September I cannot justly say. There is also an 
account of the <anchor xml:id="an173_24"/><ref target="#n173_24">History of
Crusades</ref>, which seems to be Voltaire's, and promises
<pb n="174" xml:id="p1-174"/>
well. I hear talk of a Pamphlet, called <anchor xml:id="an174_2"/><ref target="#n174_2">Voix du Sage et du Peuple</ref>, ascribed 
to Montesquieu; and a book, styled only <emph>Lettres,</emph> by the Procureur 
General, Fleury, on the Power of the Clergy in France, but have not seen 
either of them, being very scarce as yet. Mr. de Buffon has discovered <anchor xml:id="an174_7"/><ref target="#n174_7">the  
Speculum of Archimedes</ref>, which burns at 2O0 Foot distance; and a chymist in
. . .
</p><p rend="center">MADAME DE MAINTENON'S LETTERS, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, probably in
1752</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . <anchor xml:id="an174_10"/><ref target="#n174_10">de Maintenon's
Letters</ref>; they are undoubtedly genuine. They begin 
very early in her Life, before she married Scarron; and continue after the 
King's Death to within a little while of her own. They bear all the marks of 
a noble Spirit (in her adversity particularly), of Virtue, and unaffected 
Devotion, insomuch that I am almost persuaded she indulged Lewis the 14th in 
no Liberties, till he actually married her, and this not out of Policy and 
Ambition, but Conscience; for she was what we should call a Bigot, yet with 
great good-sense. In short she was too good for a Court; Misfortunes in the 
beginning of her Life had formed her Mind (naturally lively
<pb n="175" xml:id="p1-175"/>
and impatient) to reflexion, and a habit of piety; she was always miserable, 
while she had the care of Mad. de Montespan's children; timid and very 
cautious of making Use of that unlimited power she rose to afterwards for 
fear of trespassing on the King's Friendship for her; and after his death, 
not at all afraid of meeting her own. I don't know what to say to you with 
regard to Racine: it sounds to me as if anybody should fall upon Shakespear, 
who indeed lies infinitely more open to Criticism of all kinds, but I should 
not care to be the person that undertook it. If you don't like Athaliah, or 
Britannicus, there is no more to be said. I have done. . . . Have you seen 
<anchor xml:id="an175_15"/><ref target="#n175_15">Bishop Hall's Satires</ref>,
called Virgidemiae, republished lately, they are full 
of spirit and poetry; as much of the first, as <anchor xml:id="an175_17"/><ref target="#n175_17">Dr. Donne</ref>, and far more of the 
latter. They were wrote at this University, when he was about 23 years old, 
in Queen Elizabeth's time. . . .
</p><p rend="center">GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Stoke, September 18, 1754.</ab>
<p>Dear Sir — I rejoice to find you at last settled to your heart's 
content, and delight to hear you talk of giving your house <emph>some Gothic 
ornaments</emph>
<pb n="176" xml:id="p1-176"/>
already. If you project anything, I hope it will be entirely within doors; 
and don't let me (when I come gaping into Coleman-street) be directed to the 
Gentleman's at the ten Pinnacles, or with the Church-Porch at his door. I am 
glad you enter into the Spirit of Strawberry-Castle. It has a purity and 
propriety of Gothicism in it (with very few exceptions) that I have not seen 
elsewhere. The eating-room and library were not completed, when I was there, 
and I want to know what effect they have. My <anchor xml:id="an176_11"/><ref target="#n176_11">Lord Radnor's Vagaries</ref> (I see) 
did not keep you from doing justice to his situation, which far surpasses 
everything near it, and I do not know a more <emph>laughing</emph> Scene, than 
that about Twickenham and Richmond. <anchor xml:id="an176_16"/><ref target="#n176_16">Dr. Akenside</ref> (I perceive) is no Conjurer 
in Architecture, especially when he talks of the Ruins of Persepolis, which 
are no more Gothic, than they are Chinese. The Egyptian Style (see <anchor xml:id="an176_20"/><ref target="#n176_20">Dr. Pococke</ref>, 
not his discourses, but his prints) was apparently the Mother of the 
Greek; and there is such a similitude between the Egyptian, and those Persian 
Ruins, as gave room to <anchor xml:id="an176_24"/><ref target="#n176_24">Diodorus</ref> to affirm, that the old buildings of
Persia 
were certainly perform'd by Egyptian Artists. As to the other part of his 
opinion, that the Gothic manner is the Saracen or Moorish, he has a great 
Authority to support him, that of Sir Christopher
<pb n="177" xml:id="p1-177"/>
Wren, and yet (I cannot help thinking) is undoubtedly wrong. The Palaces in 
Spain, I never saw but in description, which gives us little or no idea of 
things; but the Doge's Palace at Venice I have seen (which is in the Arabesque 
manner) and the houses of Barbary you may see in <anchor xml:id="an177_7"/><ref target="#n177_7">Dr. Shaw's book</ref>, not to 
mention abundance of other eastern Buildings in Turkey, Persia, &amp;c., that 
we have views of, and they seem plainly to be corruptions of the Greek 
Architecture, broke into little parts indeed, and cover'd with little 
ornaments, but in a taste very distinguishable from that we call Gothic. 
There is one thing that runs through the Moorish Buildings, that an Imitator 
would certainly have been first struck with, and would have tried to copy, and 
that is the Cupolas, which cover everything, Baths, Apartments, and even 
Kitchens — yet who ever saw a Gothic Cupola? It is a thing plainly of 
Greek original. I do not see anything but the slender Spires, that serve for 
steeples, which may perhaps be borrowed from the Saracen Minarets on their 
Mosques. . . .
</p><p rend="center">STROPHE AND ANTISTROPHE</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, March 9,
1755</emph>]</p> 
<p>. . . I am not quite of your opinion with regard to <anchor xml:id="an177_25"/><ref target="#n177_25">Strophe and 
Antistrophe</ref>. Setting aside
<pb n="178" xml:id="p1-178"/>
the difficulties, methinks it has little or no effect upon the ear, which 
scarce perceives the regular return of Metres at so great a distance from 
one another. To make it succeed, I am persuaded the stanza's must not consist 
of above <anchor xml:id="an178_6"/><ref target="#n178_6">nine lines each at
the most</ref>. Pindar has several such odes. . . . 
</p><p rend="center">BAIARDI AND VOLTAIRE</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Richard Stonehewer, probably from Stoke</emph>]</p> 
<ab rend="right">August 21, 1755.</ab>
<p>I thank you for your intelligence about Herculaneum, which was the first 
news I received of it. I have since turned over <anchor xml:id="an178_11"/><ref target="#n178_11">Monsignor Baiardi's book</ref>, 
where I have learned how many grains of modern wheat the Roman Congius in 
the Capitol, holds, and how many thousandth parts of an inch the Greek foot 
consisted of more or less (for I forget which) than our own. He proves also 
by many affecting examples, that an Antiquary may be mistaken: that for 
anything anybody knows, this place under ground might be some other place, 
and not Herculaneum; but nevertheless, that he can shew for certain that it 
was this place and no other place; that it is hard to say which of the 
several Herculeses was the founder; therefore (in the third volume) he
<pb n="179" xml:id="p1-179"/>
promises to give us the memoirs of them all; and after that, if we do not 
know what to think of the matter, he will tell us. There is a great deal of 
wit too, and satire, and verses, in the book, which is intended chiefly for 
the information of the French King, who will be greatly edified without doubt.
</p><p>I am much obliged to you also for <anchor xml:id="an179_9"/><ref target="#n179_9">Voltaire's performance</ref>; it is very 
unequal, as he is apt to be in all but his dramas, and looks like the work of 
a man that will admire his retreat and his Lemon-Lake no longer than till he 
finds an opportunity to leave it. However, though there be many parts which I 
do not like, yet it is in several places excellent, and everywhere above 
mediocrity. . . .
</p><p rend="center">CHANGES IN THE BARD</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Stoke, August 21,
1755</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . Though I allow abundance for your kindness and partiality to me, I 
am yet much pleased with the good opinion you seem to have of the
<emph>Bard.</emph> You may alter that, <emph>Robed in</emph> the sable, &amp;c., 
almost in your own words, thus,<quote>
<lg><l>With fury pale, and pale with woe,</l> 
<l>Secure of fate, the Poet stood, &amp;c.</l></lg></quote>
Though <emph>haggard,</emph> which conveys to you the idea
<pb n="180" xml:id="p1-180"/>
of a <emph>Witch,</emph> is indeed only a metaphor taken from an unreclaimed Hawk, 
which is called a <emph>Haggard,</emph> and looks wild and <emph>farouche,</emph> and 
jealous of its liberty. I have sent now to Stonehewer a bit more of the 
<emph>prophecy,</emph> and desire him to shew it you immediately: it is very rough 
and unpolish'd at present. Adieu, dear Sir, I am ever
</p><ab rend="right">Truly Yours<lb/>T. G.</ab>
<ab rend="center">.   .   .   .   .   .  
.   .   .   .   .   .   . </ab>
<quote>
<lg><l>She-Wolf of France with unrelenting fangs,</l>
<l>That tear'st the bowels of thy mangled Mate;</l>
<l>From thee be born, who o'er thy country hangs</l>
<l>The Scourge of Heaven. What Terrors round him wait!</l>
<l>Amazement in his Van with Flight combined,</l>
<l>And Sorrow's faded form and Solitude behind.</l></lg>
<lg><l>Ant. 2.</l></lg>
<lg><l>Mighty Conqu'ror [Victor], mighty Lord,</l>
<l>Low on the [his] funeral couch he lies;</l>
<l>What [No] pitying heart, what [no] eye afford</l> 
<l>A tear to grace his obsequies?</l> 
<l>Is the sable Warrior fled?</l> 
<l>Thy son is gone. He rests among the dead.</l>
<l>The swarm that <anchor xml:id="an180_26"/><ref target="#n180_26"><emph>hover'd
in thy noontide ray?</emph></ref></l> 
<l rend="indent2">[in thy noontide beam were born]</l>
<l>Gone to salute the rising <emph>day</emph> [morn]</l>
<l>Mirrors of Saxon truth and loyalty,</l> 
<l>Your helpless old expiring master view,</l> 
<l>They hear not. Scarce Religion dares supply</l>
</lg></quote>
<pb n="181" xml:id="p1-181"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>Her mutter'd Requiems and her holy Dew.</l>
<l>Yet thou, proud Boy, from Pomfret's walls shalt send</l>
<l>A sigh, and envy oft thy happy Grand sire's end.</l></lg>
<lg><l>Epode 2.</l></lg>
<lg><l>Fill high the sparkling bowl,</l>
<l>The rich repast prepare,</l>
<l>Reft of a crown he yet may share the feast.</l>
<l>Close by the regal chair</l>
<l>Fell Thirst and Famine scowl</l>
<l>A smile of horror on their baffled guest.</l>
<l>Heard ye the din of battle bray,</l>
<l>Lance to lance and horse to horse!</l>
<l>Long years of havock urge their destined course,</l>
<l>And thro' the kindred squadrons mow their way.</l>
<l><emph>Grim</emph> [Ye] towers of Julius, London's lasting shame,</l>
<l>With many a foul and midnight murther fed,</l>
<l>Revere his consort's faith, his Father's fame,</l>
<l>And spare the meek Usurper's hallow'd head.</l>
<l>Above, below, the Rose of snow,</l>
<l>Twined with her blushing foe we spread:</l>
<l>The bristled boar in infant gore,</l>
<l>Wallows beneath the thorny shade.</l>
<l>Now, Brothers, bending o'er the accursed loom,</l>
<l>Stamp we our vengeance deep, and ratify his doom.</l></lg>
<lg><l>Strophe 3.</l></lg>
<lg><l>Edward, lo! to sudden fate,</l>
<l rend="indent">(Weave we the woof. The thread is spun),</l> 
<l>Half of thy heart we consecrate</l> 
<l rend="indent">(The web is wove. The work is done).</l>
<l>Stay, oh stay, nor here [thus] forlorn</l>
<l>Leave your despairing Caradoc to mourn!</l>
<l rend="indent2">me unbless'd. Unpitied here</l> 
<l>In yon bright <emph>clouds</emph> [track] that fires the western skies,</l>
</lg></quote>
<pb n="182" xml:id="p1-182"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>They sink [melt], they vanish from my eyes.</l> 
<l>But ah! what solemn scenes <emph>of Heaven</emph> on Snowdon's height,</l>
<l>Descending slow their golden [glitt'ring] skirts unroll!</l> 
<l>Visions of glory, spare my aching sight,</l> 
<l>Ye unborn ages, crowd not on my soul.</l> 
<l>From Cambria's thousand hills a thousand strains</l> 
<l>Triumphant tell aloud, another Arthur reigns.</l></lg>
<lg><l>Antist. 3</l></lg>
<lg><l><emph>Youthful Knights and</emph> [Girt with many a] Baron<emph>s</emph> bold</l>
<l>Sublime their starry fronts they rear</l>
<l><emph>With dazzling helm, and horrent spear</emph></l>
<l>And gorgeous Dames, and Statesmen old,</l>
<l>In bearded majesty appear.</l>
<l>In the midst a Form divine,</l>
<l>Her eye proclaims her of the Briton-Line;</l>
<l><emph>A</emph> [Her] Lyon-port, <emph>an</emph> [her] awe-commanding face,</l>
<l>Attemper'd sweet to virgin-grace.</l>
<l>What strings symphonious tremble in the air!</l>
<l>What strains of vocal transport round her play!</l>
<l>Hear from the grave, great Taliessin, hear,</l>
<l>They breath a soul to animate thy clay.</l>
<l>Bright Rapture calls, and soaring, as she sings,</l>
<l>Waves in the eye of Heaven her many-coloured wings.</l></lg>
<lg><l>Epode 3.</l></lg>
<lg><l rend="indent">The verse adorn again,</l>
<l rend="indent2">Fierce War, and Faithful Love,</l> 
<l>And Truth severe by fairy-Fiction drest.</l>
<l rend="indent2">In buskin'd measures move</l> 
<l rend="indent">Pale Grief and pleasing Pain,</l> 
<l>With Horrour, tyrant of the throbbing breast.</l>
</lg></quote>
<pb n="183" xml:id="p1-183"/>
<quote>
<lg><l rend="indent">A voice as of the Cherub-Quire,</l> 
<l rend="indent2">Gales from blooming Eden bear;</l> 
<l rend="indent2">And distant Warblings lessen on my ear,</l> 
<l rend="indent">That lost in long futurity expire.</l> 
<l rend="indent">Fond impious man, think'st thou yon sanguine cloud</l>
<l rend="indent2">Rais'd by thy breath has quench'd the Orb of day?</l>  
<l rend="indent">To-morrow he repairs the golden flood,</l> 
<l rend="indent2">And warms the Nations with redoubled ray.</l> 
<l rend="indent3">Enough for me. With joy I see</l> 
<l rend="indent3">The different doom our fates assign,</l> 
<l rend="indent3">Be thine Despair, and scepter'd Care.</l> 
<l rend="indent3">To triumph and to die are mine.</l> 
<l>He spoke, and headlong from the mountain's height</l> 
<l>Deep in the roaring tide he sunk to endless night.</l>
</lg></quote>
<p rend="center">HENRY IV. OF FRANCE AND SULLY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, March 25,
1756</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . The similitude between the Italian republics and those of ancient 
Greece has often struck me, as it does you. I do not wonder, that <anchor xml:id="an183_19"/><ref target="#n183_19">Sully's 
Memoirs</ref> have highly entertain'd you, but cannot agree with you in thinking 
him or his master two of the <emph>best Men</emph> in the world. The king was 
indeed one of the best natur'd Men, that ever lived. But it is owing only to 
chance, that his intended Marriage with Mad. d'Estrées, or with the 
Marquise de Verneuil, did not involve him and the kingdom in the most 
inextricable confusion; and his design upon the Princess of Condé 
(in his old age) was worse still. As to the
<pb n="184" xml:id="p1-184"/>
Minister, his base application to Concini after the murther of Henry has 
quite ruin'd him in my esteem, and destroy'd all the merit of that honest 
surly Pride, for which I honour'd him before. Yet I own, that as Kings and 
Ministers go, they were both extraordinary Men. Pray look at the end of 
Birch's State Papers of Sir T. Edmonde's for the character of the French 
Court at that time, written by Sir George Carew. . . .
</p><p rend="center">TWO VOLUMES OF MEMOIRS</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Stoke, October 15,
1756</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I recommend two little French books to you, one called
<anchor xml:id="an184_12"/><ref target="#n184_12">Mémoires de
Monsieur de la Porte</ref>. It has all the air of simplicity 
and truth, and contains some few very extraordinary facts relating to Anne 
of Austria and Cardinal Mazarin. The other is two small volumes,
<emph>Mémoires de <anchor xml:id="an184_17"/><ref target="#n184_17">Madame Staal</ref>.</emph> The facts are no great
matter, but 
the manner and vivacity of it make it interesting. She was a sort of 
Confidente to the late Duchess of Maine, and imprison'd a long time in the 
Bastille on her account during the Regency. The first you may buy, and the 
latter borrow. . . .
<pb n="185" xml:id="p1-185"/>
</p><ab rend="center">BROWN'S ESTIMATE, ETC.</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, April 23,
1757</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . <anchor xml:id="an185_2"/><ref target="#n185_2">Dr. Brown's
book</ref> (I hear) is much admired in town, which I do not 
understand. I expected it would be admired here; but they affect not to like 
it, though I know they ought. What would you have me do? There is one thing 
in it I applaud, which is the dissertation against trade, for I have always 
said it was the ruin of the nation. I have read <anchor xml:id="an185_9"/><ref target="#n185_9">the little wicked book</ref> about 
Evil, that settled Mr. Dodsley's conscience in that point, and find nothing 
in it but absurdity: we call it Soame Jenyns's, but I have a notion you 
mentioned some other name to me, though I have forgotten it. . . .
</p><p rend="center">CHILD MAURICE, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, June, probably
1757</emph>]</p>
<p>Dear Mason — I send you inclosed the breast and merry-thought and 
guts and garbage of <anchor xml:id="an185_18"/><ref target="#n185_18">the
chicken</ref>, which I have been chewing so long that I 
would give the world for neck-beef or cow-heel. I thought, in spite of
<emph>ennui,</emph> that the ten last lines would have escaped untouched; for 
all the rest
<pb n="186" xml:id="p1-186"/>
that I send you I know is weakly, and you think so too. But you want them to 
be printed and done with; not only Mr. Hurd, but Mr. Bonfoy too and <anchor xml:id="an186_4"/><ref target="#n186_4">Neville</ref> 
have seen them. Both these like the first Ode (that has no
<emph>tout-ensemble</emph>), the best of the two, and both somehow dislike the 
conclusion of the "Bard," and mutter something about antithesis and conceit 
in "to triumph, to die," which I do not comprehend, and am sure it is altered 
for the better. It was before —<quote>
"Lo! to be free to die, are mine."</quote>
If you like it better so, so let it be. It is more abrupt, and perhaps may 
mark the action better; or it may be —<quote>
"Lo! liberty and death are mine."</quote>
whichever you please. But as to breaking the measure, it is not to be thought 
of; it is an inviolable law of the Medes and Persians. Pray think a little 
about this conclusion, for all depends upon it; the rest is of little 
consequence. "In bearded majesty," was altered to "of" only because the next 
line begins with "In the midst," &amp;c. I understand what you mean about "The 
verse adorn again." You may read —<quote>
<lg><l>"Fierce War and faithful Love</l><l>Resume their," &amp;c.</l></lg></quote>
But I do not think it signifies much, for there is
<pb n="187" xml:id="p1-187"/>
no mistaking the sense, when one attends to it. "That chills the throbbing," 
&amp;c. I dislike as much as you can do. "Horror wild," I am forced to strike 
out, because of "wild dismay" in the first stanza. What if we read<quote>
"With Horror, tyrant of the throbbing breast."</quote>
</p><p>Why you would alter "lost in long futurity" I do not see, unless because 
you think "lost" and "expire" are tautologies, or because it looks as if the 
end of the prophecy were disappointed by it, and that people may think that 
poetry in Britain was some time or other really to expire, whereas the meaning 
is only that it was lost to his ear from the immense distance. I cannot give 
up "lost," for it begins with an <emph>l</emph>.
</p><p>I wish you were here, for I am tired of writing such stuff; and besides, I 
have got <anchor xml:id="an187_18"/><ref target="#n187_18">the old Scotch
ballad</ref> on which Douglas was founded; it is divine, and 
as long as from hence to Aston. Have you never seen it? Aristotle's best rules 
are observed in it in a manner that shews the author never had heard of 
Aristotle. It begins in the fifth act of the play. You may read it two-thirds 
through without guessing what it is about; and yet, when you come to the end, 
it is impossible not to understand the whole story. I send you the two first 
verses —
<pb n="188" xml:id="p1-188"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>"Gil Maurice was an Earle's son,</l><l>His fame it wexed wide.</l> 
<l>It was nae for his grete riches,</l><l>Nae for his mickle pride;</l> 
<l>But it was for a ladie gay</l><l>That lived on Carron's side.</l>
<l>'Where shall I get a bonny boy</l><l>That will win hose and shoon,</l> 
<l>That will gae to Lord Barnard's ha',</l><l>And bid his ladie come?</l>
<l>Ye maun rin this errand, Willie,</l><l>And ye maun rin with pride;</l> 
<l>When other boys gae on their feet,</l><l>On horseback ye sal ride,'</l>
<l>'Ah na, ah na, my master dear,' " &amp;c. &amp;c.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p>You will observe in the beginning of <anchor xml:id="an188_16"/><ref target="#n188_16">this thing</ref> I send you some alterations 
of a few words, partly for improvement, and partly to avoid repetitions of 
like words and rhymes; I have not got rid of them all. The six last lines of 
the fifth stanza are new; tell me if they will do.
</p><p>I have seen your friend the Dean of S[alisbur]y here to-day in the theatre, 
and thought I should have sp[e]w[e]d. I am very glad you are to be a court 
chaplain nevertheless; for I do not think you need be such a one,— I 
defy you ever to be.
</p><p>I have now seen <anchor xml:id="an188_28"/><ref target="#n188_28">your
first Chorus</ref>, new-modelled, and am charmed with it.
Now I am coming with my hoe. Of all things I like your idea of <anchor xml:id="an188_31"/><ref target="#n188_31">"the sober 
sisters</ref>, as they meet and whisper
<pb n="189" xml:id="p1-189"/>
with their ebon and golden rods on the top of Snowdon;" the more because it 
seems like a new mythology peculiar to the Druid superstition, and not 
borrowed of the Greeks, who have another quite different moon. But yet I 
cannot allow of the word "nod," though it pictures the action more lively 
than another word would do. Yet, at the first blush, "See the sober sisters 
nod," taken alone without regard to the sense, presents a ridiculous image, 
and you must leave no room for such ideas; besides, a word that is not quite 
familiar to us in the sense it is used should never form a rhyme; it may 
stand in any other part of a line. The rest is much to my palate, except a 
verse (I have it not now before me) towards the end. I think it is "Float 
your saffron vestments here," because one does not at once conceive that 
"float" is "let them float;" and besides, it is a repetition of the idea, as 
you speak of the "rustling of their silken draperies " before, and I would 
have every image varied as the rest are. I do not absolutely like "Hist ye 
all," only because it is the last line. These are all the faults I have to 
find; the rest is perfect. I have written a long letter of poetry, which is 
tiresome, but I could not help it. . . .
<pb n="190" xml:id="p1-190"/>
</p><ab rend="center">CARACTACUS</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Stoke, September 28, 1757.</ab>
<p>Dear Mason — I have, as I desired Stonehewer to tell you, read over 
<emph>Caractacus</emph> twice, not with pleasure only, but <anchor xml:id="an190_5"/><ref target="#n190_5">with emotion</ref>. You may 
say what you will, but the contrivance, the manners, the interests, the 
passions, and the expression, go beyond the dramatic part of your
<emph>Elfrida</emph> many, many leagues. I even say (though you will think me a 
bad judge of this) that the world will like it better. I am struck with the 
Chorus, who are not there merely to sing and dance, but bear throughout a 
principal part in the action, and have (beside the costume, which is 
excellent) as much a character of their own as any other person. I am 
charmed with their priestly pride and obstinacy, when, after all is lost, 
they resolve to confront the Roman General, and spit in his face. But now I 
am going to tell you what touches me most. From the beginning the first 
opening is greatly improved. The curiosity of Didius is now a very natural 
reason for dwelling on each particular of the scene before him, nor is the 
description at all too long. I am glad to find the two young men are 
Cartismandua's sons; they
<pb n="191" xml:id="p1-191"/>
interest me far more. I love people of condition. They were men before that 
nobody knew; one could not make them a bow if one had met them at a public 
place.
</p><p>I always admired that interruption of the Druids to Evelina, "Peace, 
Virgin, peace," &amp;c.; and chiefly <anchor xml:id="an191_7"/><ref target="#n191_7">the abstract idea personified</ref> (to use 
the words of a critic), at the end of it. That of Caractacus — "Would 
save my Queen," &amp;c., and still more, that, "I know it, reverend Fathers, 
'tis heaven's high will," &amp;c., to "I've done, begin the rites!" This 
latter is exemplary for the expression (always the great point with me); I 
do not mean by expression the mere choice of words, but the whole dress, 
fashion, and arrangement of a thought. Here, in particular, it is the 
brokenness, the ungrammatical position, the total subversion of the period, 
that charms me. All that ushers in the incantation, from "Try we yet what 
holiness can do," I am delighted with in quite another way, for this is pure 
poetry, as it ought to be, forming the proper transition, and leading on the 
mind to that still purer poetry that follows it. You have somehow mistaken 
my meaning about the sober Sisters: the verb "nod" before "only," seemed to 
be a verb neuter; now you have made it absolutely such, which was just my 
objection to it; but it is easily altered, for if the accusative
<pb n="192" xml:id="p1-192"/>
case come first, there is no danger of ambiguity. I read<quote>
<lg><l>See! their gold and ebon rod</l><l>Where the sober Sisters nod,</l>
<l>And greet in whispers sage and slow.</l><l>Snowdon, mark! 'tis Magic's hour;</l>
<l>Now the mutter'd spell hath power,</l><l>Power to rift thy ribs of rock,</l>
<l>To burst thy base with thunder's shock,</l><l>But, &amp;c., &amp;c.</l>
<l>                      
Than those that dwell</l><l>In musick's, &amp;c.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p>You will laugh at my "these's" and "those's," but they strike my ear 
better. What Mador sings must be the finest thing that ever was wrote; and 
the next chorus, where they all go to sleep, must be finer still.
</p><p>In the beginning of the succeeding act I admire the chorus again, "Is it 
not now the hour, the holy hour," &amp;c.: and their evasion of a lie, "Say'st 
thou, proud boy," &amp;c.: and "Sleep with the unsunn'd silver," which is an 
example of a dramatic simile. The sudden appearance of <anchor xml:id="an192_24"/><ref target="#n192_24">Caractacus</ref>, the 
pretended respect and admiration of Vellinus, and the probability of his 
story, the distrust of the Druids, and their reasoning with Caractacus, and 
particularly that, "'Tis meet thou should'st; thou art a king," &amp;c.,
&amp;c.; "Mark me, Prince, the time will come when destiny," &amp;c., are 
well and happily imagined.
<pb n="193" xml:id="p1-193"/>
Apropos of the last striking passage I have mentioned, I am going to make a 
digression.
</p><p>When we treat a subject where the manners are almost lost in antiquity 
our stock of ideas must needs be small, and nothing betrays our poverty more 
than the returning to and harping frequently on one image; it was therefore 
I thought you should omit some lines before, though good in themselves, about 
the scythed car, that the passage now before us might appear with greater 
lustre when it came; and in this, I see, you have complied with me. But there 
are other ideas here and there still that occur too often, particularly about 
the oaks, some of which I would discard to make way for the rest.
</p><p>But the subjects I speak of, to compensate (and more than compensate) that 
unavoidable poverty, have one great advantage when they fall into good hands: 
they leave an unbounded liberty to pure imagination and fiction (our favourite 
provinces), where no critic can molest or antiquary gainsay us. And yet (to 
please me) these fictions must have some affinity, some seeming connection 
with that little we really know of the character and customs of the people. 
For example, I never heard in my days that midnight and the moon were sisters, 
that they carried rods of ebony and gold, or met to whisper on the top
<pb n="194" xml:id="p1-194"/>
of a mountain; but now, I could lay my life it is all true, and do not doubt 
it will be found so in some Pantheon of the Druids that is to be discovered 
in the library at Herculaneum. The Car of Destiny and Death is a very noble 
invention of the same class, and, as far as that goes, is so fine, that it 
makes me more delicate than, perhaps, I should be. About the close of it, 
Andraste, sailing on the wings of Fame, that snatches the wreaths from 
oblivion to hang them on her loftiest amaranth, though a clean and beautiful 
piece of unknown mythology, has too Greek an air to give me perfect 
satisfaction.
</p><p>Now I proceed. The preparation to the Chorus, though so much akin to that 
in the former act, is excellent. The remarks of Evelina, and her suspicions 
of the brothers, mixed with a secret inclination to the younger of them 
(though, I think, her part throughout wants re-touching), yet please me much; 
and the contrivance of the following scene much more. "Masters of wisdom, no," 
&amp;c., I always admired, as I do the rocking-stone and the distress of 
Elidurus. Evelina's examination of him is a well-invented scene, and will be, 
with a little pains, a very touching one; but the introduction of Arviragus 
is superlative. I am not sure whether those few lines of his short narrative, 
"My strength repaired, 
<pb n="195" xml:id="p1-195"/>
it boots not that I tell," &amp;c., do not please me as much as anything in 
the whole drama. The sullen bravery of Elidurus; the menaces of the Chorus, 
that "Think not, Religion," &amp;c.; the trumpet of the Druids; that "I'll 
follow him, though in my chains," &amp;c.; "Hast thou a brother, no," &amp;c.;
the placability of the Chorus when they see the motives of Elidurus' 
obstinacy, give me great contentment. So do the reflections of the Druid on 
the necessity of lustration, and the reasons for Vellinus' easy escape; but 
I would not have him seize on a spear, nor issue hastily through the cavern's 
mouth. Why should he not steal away unmarked and unmissed till the hurry of 
passions in those that should have guarded him was a little abated? But I 
chiefly admire the two speeches of Elidurus: — "Ah! Vellinus, is this 
thee," &amp;c., and "Ye do gaze on me, Fathers," &amp;c. The manner in which 
the Chorus reply to him is very fine, but the image at the end wants a little 
mending. The next scene is highly moving; it is so very good that I must have 
it made yet better.
</p><p>Now for the last Act. I do not know what you would have, but to me the 
design and contrivance of it is at least equal to any part of the whole. The 
short-lived triumph of the Britons — the address of Caractacus to the 
Roman victims
<pb n="196" xml:id="p1-196"/>
— Evelina's discovery of the ambush — the mistake of the Roman 
fires for the rising sun — the death of Arviragus — the interview 
between Didius and Caractacus — his mourning over his dead son — 
his parting speech (in which you have made all the use of Tacitus that your 
plan would admit) — everything, in short, but that little dispute 
between Didius and him, "'Tis well, and therefore to increase that reverence," 
&amp;c., down to "Give me a moment" (which must be omitted, or put in the 
mouth of the Druid), I approve in the highest degree. If I should find any 
fault with the last Act it could only be with trifles and little expressions. 
If you make any alterations I fear it will never improve it, I mean as to the 
plan. . . . I reserve my nibblings and minutiae for another day. . . .
</p><p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, October 7,
1757</emph>]</p> 
<p>. . . I am greatly pleased with M[aso]n's <emph>Caractacus</emph> in its 
present state. The contrivance and arrangement of events, the manners of the 
country, the characters and passions, strike me wonderfully. The difficult 
part is now got over, nothing remains but to polish, and retouch a little: 
yet only the beginning of the first Chorus is done of the lyric part. Have 
you seen it? . . .
<pb n="197" xml:id="p1-197"/>
</p><ab rend="center">AN ODE BY MASON</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">January 13, 1758.</ab>
<p>Dear Mason — Why you make no more of <anchor xml:id="an197_4"/><ref target="#n197_4">writing an Ode</ref>, and throwing it 
into the fire, than of buckling and unbuckling your shoe, I have never read 
Keysler's book, nor you neither, I believe; if you had taken that pains, I 
am persuaded you would have seen that his Celtic and his septentrional 
antiquities are two things entirely distinct. There are, indeed, some learned 
persons who have taken pains to confound what Caesar and Tacitus have taken 
pains to separate, the old Druidical or Celtic belief, and that of the old 
Germans, but nobody has been so learned as to mix the Celtic religion with 
that of the Goths. Why, Woden himself is supposed not to have been older 
than Julius Caesar; but let him have lived when he pleases, it is certain 
that neither he nor his Valhalla were heard of till many ages after. This is 
the doctrine of the Scalds, not of the Bards; these are the songs of Hengist 
and Horsa, a modern new-fangled belief in comparison of that which you ought 
to possess. After all, I shall be sorry to have so many good verses and good 
chimaeras thrown away. Might we not be
<pb n="198" xml:id="p1-198"/>
permitted (in that scarcity of Celtic ideas we labour under) to adopt some of 
these foreign whimsies, dropping however all mention of Woden and his 
Valkhyrian virgins, &amp;c.? To settle this scruple of conscience, I must 
refer you to Dr. Warburton: if this should be his opinion (which I doubt), 
then I go on to tell you (first premising that a dirge is always a funeral 
service sung over persons already dead), that I would have something striking 
and uncommon in the measures, the rhythm, and the expression of this Chorus; 
the two former are not remarkable here, and the third is so little antiquated, 
that "murky" and "dank" look like two old maids of honour got into a circle 
of fleering girls and boys. Now for particulars. I like the first stanza; the 
image of Death in arms is very fine and gallant, but I banish "free-born 
train," and "glory and luxury" here (not the ideas, but the words), and 
"liberty and freedom's cause," and several small epithets throughout. I do 
not see how one person can <emph>lift</emph> the voice of another person. The 
imagery of the second stanza too is excellent. A dragon <emph>pecks!</emph> Why a 
cock-sparrow might do as much: in short, I am pleased with the Gothic
Elysium. Do not think I am ignorant about either that, or the <emph>hell</emph> 
before, or the <emph>twilight.</emph> I have been there, and have seen it all in 
<anchor xml:id="an198_28"/><ref target="#n198_28">Mallet's Introduction</ref>
to the 
<pb n="199" xml:id="p1-199"/>
History of Denmark (it is in French), and many other places. "Now they 
charge," &amp;c. looks as if the coursers rode upon the men. A ghost does not 
fall. These are all my little objections, but I have a greater. Extreme 
conciseness of expression, yet <anchor xml:id="an199_6"/><ref target="#n199_6">pure, perspicuous, and musical</ref>, is one of the 
grand beauties of lyric poetry; this I have always aimed at, and never could 
attain; the necessity of rhyming is one great obstacle to it: another and 
perhaps a stronger is, that way you have chosen of casting down your first 
ideas carelessly and at large, and then clipping them here and there, and 
forming them at leisure; this method, after all possible pains, will leave 
behind it in some places a laxity, a diffuseness; the frame of a thought 
(otherwise well invented, well turned, and well placed) is often weakened by 
it. Do I talk nonsense, or do you understand me? I am persuaded what I say 
is true in my head, whatever it may be in prose, — for I do not pretend 
to write prose.
</p><p>I am extremely pleased with your fashionable Ode, and have nothing to find 
fault there, only you must say "portray'st" in the first stanza; and "it looks 
at best but skin," in the fourth, is not right. I have observed your orders, 
but I want to shew it everybody. Pray tell me when I may have the credit of 
doing so. I have never
<pb n="200" xml:id="p1-200"/>
seen a prettier modernism: let it be seen while it is warm. You are in the 
road to fame; but do not tell your name at first, whatever you may venture to 
do afterwards. . . .
</p><p rend="center">ELEGIES BY MASON</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, January,
1758</emph>]</p>
<p>Dear Mason — I am almost blind with a great cold, and should not 
have written to you to-day if you did not hurry me to send back 
<anchor xml:id="an200_9"/><ref target="#n200_9">this Elegy</ref>. 
My advices are always at your service to take or to refuse, therefore you 
should not call them severe. You know I do not love, much less pique myself, 
on criticism, and think even a bad verse as good a thing or better than the 
best observation that ever was made upon it. I like greatly what you have now 
sent me, particularly the spirit and sentiment of it; the disposition of the 
whole too is natural and elegiac. As to the expression, I would venture to 
say (did you not forbid me) that it is sometimes too easy. The last line I 
protest against. This, you will say, is worse than blotting out rhymes. The 
descriptive part is excellent, yet I am sorry for the name of Cutthorpe. I 
had rather Vertumnus and Flora did not appear in  person. The word "lopt"
<pb n="201" xml:id="p1-201"/>
sounds like a farmer, or a man of taste. <anchor xml:id="an201_2"/><ref target="#n201_2">"A mountain hoar</ref>, the savage," 
&amp;c. is a very good line: yet I always doubt if this ungrammatical 
construction be allowable; in common speech it is usual, but not in writing 
even prose; and I think Milton (though hard pressed by his short metre in 
Penseroso) yet finds a way to bring in his <emph>that's,</emph> his
<emph>who's,</emph> and his <emph>which's.</emph> "Fair unfold the wide-spread,"
&amp;c.; "fair," is weakly, "wide-spread" is contained in "unfold." By "amber 
mead," I understand the yellow gleam of a meadow covered with marsh-marigolds 
and butterflowers,— is it not so? The two first lines (the second 
especially) I do not admire. I read, "Did Fancy wake not — refuse one 
votive strain"; you will ask me why? I do not know. As to <emph>votive,</emph> it 
is like <emph>delegated,</emph> one of the words you love. I also read, "How well 
does Memory," &amp;c.— for the same no reason. "It all was his," &amp;c.
I like the sense, but it is not sufficiently clear. As to the versification, 
do not you perceive that you make the pause on the fourth syllable in almost 
every other line?
</p><p>Now I desire you would neither think me severe, nor at all regard what I 
say any further than it coincides with your own judgment; for the child 
deserves your partiality; it is a healthy well-made boy, with an ingenuous 
countenance,
<pb n="202" xml:id="p1-202"/>
and promises to live long. I would only wash its face, dress it a little, 
make it walk upright and strong, and keep it from learning paw words.
</p><p>I never saw more than two volumes of <anchor xml:id="an202_5"/><ref target="#n202_5">Pelloutier</ref>, and repent that I ever 
read them. He is an idle man of some learning, who would make all the world 
Celts whether they will or no. <emph>Locus est et pluribus umbris,</emph> is a 
very good motto; you need look no further. I cannot find the other passage, 
nor look for it with these eyes. Adieu! dear Mason, I am most sincerely yours.
</p><p>You won't find me a place like Mr. Wood's.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="an202_13"/><ref target="#n202_13">Elegy I.</ref>
</p><p>"Favour'd steps," useless epithet! Write <anchor xml:id="an202_15"/><ref target="#n202_15">"choir."</ref> Read "rank'd and met." 
"Cull living garlands," &amp;c. too verbose. You love "garlands which pride 
nor gains": odd construction. "Genuine wreath — Friendship twine"; a 
little forced. "Shrink" is usually a verb neuter; why not "blight" or "blast"? 
<anchor xml:id="an202_20"/><ref target="#n202_20">"Fervid"</ref>; read
"fervent." "When sad reflection" ; read "till sad," &amp;c. 
"Blest bower," "call on"; read "call we." "In vain to thee"; read "in vain 
to him," and "his" for "thy." Oh, I did not see: what will become of "thine"? 
"Timid" read "fearful." "Discreter part"; "honest part" just before "explore." 
"Vivid," read "warmest."
<pb n="203" xml:id="p1-203"/>
There is too much of the Muse here. "The Muse's genuine wreath," "the Muse's 
laurel," "the Muse full oft," "the Muse shall come," "the Muse forbids,"
— five times.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="an203_5"/><ref target="#n203_5">Elegy II.</ref>
</p><p>"Laurel-circled"; "laurel-woven" sounds better. "Neglect the strings" is 
somehow naked: perhaps<quote> 
"That rules my lyre, neglect her wonted strings."</quote>
Read "re-echo to my strain." "His earliest blooms" should be "blossoms." 
"Then to thy sight," "to the sight." Read "he pierced." "Modestly retire," I 
do not like. "Tufts" sounds ill.
</p><p>"To moral excellence": a remnant of bad books you read at St. John's; so 
is the "dignity of man."<quote>
"Of genuine man glowing,"</quote>
a bad line. "Dupe" I do not approve. "Taste" too often repeated.<quote>
"From that great Guide of Truth,"</quote>
hard and prosaic.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="an203_23"/><ref target="#n203_23">Elegy III.</ref>
</p><p>"Attend the strain," "quick surprise," better than "sweet." "Luxuriant 
Fancy, pause," "exulting leap." — Read<quote>
"The wint'ry blast that sweeps ye to the tomb."</quote>
<pb n="204" xml:id="p1-204"/>
"Tho' soon," — query? "His patient stand," better before. Read "that 
mercy." "Trace then by Reason's," — blot it out. "Dear as the sons," 
perhaps, "yet neither sons," &amp;c.<quote>
<lg><l>"They form the phalanx," &amp;c.</l><l>"Is it for present fame?"</l></lg></quote>
From hence to "peasant's life," the thought seems not just, because the 
questions are fully as applicable to a prince who does believe the 
immortality of the soul as to one who does not; and it looks as if an 
orthodox king had a right to sacrifice his myriads for his own ambition, 
because they stand a chance of going to heaven, and he of going to hell.
</p><p>Indeed these four stanzas may be spared, without hurting the sense at 
all. After "brave the torrent's roar," it goes on very well. "Go, wiser ye,"
&amp;c.; and the whole was before rather spun out and weakly.
</p><p rend="center">AGIS, DODSLEY'S MISCELLANY, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Cambridge, March 8, 1758.</ab>
<p>It is indeed for want of spirits, as you suspect, that my studies lie 
among the Cathedrals, and the Tombs, and the Ruins. To think, though to little
<pb n="205" xml:id="p1-205"/>
purpose, has been the chief amusement of my days; and when I would not, or 
cannot think, I dream. At present I find myself able to write a Catalogue, or 
to read the Peerage book, or Miller's Gardening Dictionary, and am thankful 
that there are such employments and such authors in the world. Some people, 
who hold me cheap for this, are doing perhaps what is not half so well worth 
while. As to posterity, I may ask, (with somebody whom I have forgot) what 
has it ever done to oblige me?
</p><p>To make a transition from myself to as poor a subject, the Tragedy of <anchor xml:id="an205_13"/><ref target="#n205_13">Agis</ref>; 
I cry to think that it should be by the author of Douglas: Why, it is all 
modern Greek; the story is an antique statue, painted white and red, frized, 
and dressed in a negligée made by a Yorkshire mantua-maker. Then here 
is <anchor xml:id="an205_18"/><ref target="#n205_18">the Miscellany</ref>
(Mr. Dodsley has sent me the whole set gilt and lettered, 
I thank him). Why, the two last volumes are worse than the four first; 
particularly Dr. Akenside is in a deplorable way. What signifies Learning and 
the Antients, (Mason will say triumphantly) why should people read Greek to 
lose their imagination, their ear, and their mother tongue? But then there is 
Mr. Shenstone, who trusts to nature and simple sentiment, why does he do no 
better? He goes hopping along his own gravel-walks, and
<pb n="206" xml:id="p1-206"/>
never deviates from the beaten paths for fear of being lost.
</p><p>I have read <anchor xml:id="an206_3"/><ref target="#n206_3">Dr. Swift</ref>, and am disappointed. There is nothing
of the 
negotiations that I have not seen better in <anchor xml:id="an206_5"/><ref target="#n206_5">M. de Torcy</ref> before. The manner 
is careless, and has little to distinguish it from common writers. I met 
with nothing to please me but the spiteful characters of the opposite party 
and its leaders. I expected much more secret history.
</p><p rend="center">THE RELIGION OF THE GAULS</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, March 24,
1758</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . You do not seem to discover that Mons. Mallet is but a very small 
scholar, except in the erudition of the Goths. There are, <emph>à
propos,</emph> two Dissertations on the Religion and Opinions of the Gauls, 
published in the Mémoires de l'Acad. des Belles Lettres et des 
Inscriptions, vol. xxiv. 4to, one by the Abbé Fénel, in which 
he would shew that, about Tiberius' and Claudius' times the Druids, persecuted 
and dispersed by the Romans, probably retired into Germany, and propagated 
their doctrines there. This is to account for some similitude to the Gaulish 
notions which the religion of Germany seems to bear, as Tacitus has
<pb n="207" xml:id="p1-207"/>
described it, whereas Julius Caesar makes them extremely different, who lived 
before this supposed dispersion of the Druids; the other, by <anchor xml:id="an207_4"/><ref target="#n207_4">Monsieur Freret</ref>,
is as to shew the reverse of all this,—that there was no such
dispersion, no such similitude, and that, if Caesar and Tacitus disagree, it 
is because the first knew nothing but of those nations that bordered on the 
Rhine, and the other was acquainted with all Germany. I do not know whether 
these will furnish you with any new matter, but they are well enough written 
and easily read. I told you before, that, in a time of dearth, I would venture 
to borrow from the Edda without entering too minutely on particulars; but, if 
I did so, I would make each image so clear, that it might be fully understood 
by itself, for in this obscure mythology we must not hint at things, as we do 
with the Greek fables, that every body is supposed to know at school. However, 
on second thoughts, I think it would be still better to graft any wild 
picturesque fable, absolutely of one's own invention, upon the Druid stock; I 
mean upon those half-dozen of old fancies that are known to have made their 
system: this will give you more freedom and latitude, and will leave no hold 
for the critics to fasten on.
</p><p>Pray, when did I pretend to finish, or even insert passages into other 
people's works? As if it
<pb n="208" xml:id="p1-208"/>
were equally easy to pick holes and to mend them. All I can say is, that your 
Elegy must not end with the worst line in it; it is flat, it is prose; whereas 
that above all ought to sparkle, or at least to shine. If the sentiment must 
stand, twirl it a little into an apophthegm, stick a flower in it, gild it 
with a costly expression; let it strike the fancy, the ear, or the heart, and 
I am satisfied.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="an208_9"/><ref target="#n208_9">Hodges</ref> is a sad
fellow; so is Dr. Akenside, and Mr. Shenstone, our friends 
and companions. Your story of Garrick is a good one; pray is it true, and what 
came of it? Did <anchor xml:id="an208_12"/><ref target="#n208_12">the tragic
poet</ref> call a guard? It was I that hindered Mr. Brown 
from sending the pamphlet. It is nonsense, and that nonsense all stolen from 
<anchor xml:id="an208_15"/><ref target="#n208_15">Dr. Stukeley's</ref> book
about Abury and Stonehenge; yet if you will have it, you may. . . .
</p><p rend="center">MATERIALISM AND SHAFTESBURY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Richard Stonehewer</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Cambridge, August 18, 1758.</ab>
<p>I am as sorry as you seem to be, that our acquaintance harped so much on 
the subject of materialism, when I saw him with you in town, because it was 
plain to which side of the long-debated question he inclined. That we are 
indeed
<pb n="209" xml:id="p1-209"/>
mechanical and dependent beings, I need no other proof than my own feelings; 
and from the same feelings I learn, with equal conviction, that we are not 
<emph>merely</emph> such: that there is a power within that struggles against the 
force and bias of that mechanism, commands its motion, and, by frequent 
practice, reduces it to that ready obedience which we call <emph>Habit;</emph> and 
all this in conformity to a preconceived opinion (no matter whether right or 
wrong), to that least material of all agents, a Thought. I have known many in 
his case who, while they thought they were conquering an old prejudice, did 
not perceive they were under the influence of one far more dangerous; one that 
furnishes us with a ready apology for all our worst actions, and opens to us 
a full license for doing whatever we please; and yet these very people were 
not at all the more indulgent to other men (as they naturally should have 
been); their indignation to such as offended them, their desire of revenge on 
anybody that hurt them was nothing mitigated: in short, the truth is, they 
wished to be persuaded of that opinion for the sake of its convenience, but 
were not so in their heart; and they would have been glad (as they ought in 
common prudence) that nobody else should think the same, for fear of the 
mischief that might ensue to themselves. His French author I never saw,
<pb n="210" xml:id="p1-210"/>
but have read fifty in the same strain, and shall read no more. I can be 
wretched enough without them. They put me in mind of <anchor xml:id="an210_3"/><ref target="#n210_3">the Greek Sophist</ref> that 
got immortal honour by discoursing so feelingly on the miseries of our 
condition, that fifty of his audience went home and hanged themselves; yet 
he lived himself (I suppose) many years after in very good plight.
</p><p>You say you cannot conceive how Lord Shaftesbury came to be a Philosopher 
in vogue; I will tell you: First, he was a Lord; 2dly, he was as vain as any 
of his readers; 3dly, men are very prone to believe what they do not 
understand; 4thly, they will believe anything at all, provided they are under 
no obligation to believe it; 5thly, they love to take a new road, even when 
that road leads nowhere; 6thly, he was reckoned a fine writer, and seemed 
always to mean more than he said. Would you have any more reasons? An 
interval of about forty years has pretty well destroyed the charm. A dead 
Lord ranks but with Commoners: Vanity is no longer interested in the matter, 
for the new road has become an old one. The mode of free-thinking is like 
that of Ruffs and Farthingales, and has given place to the mode of not 
thinking at all; once it was reckoned graceful, half to discover and half 
conceal the mind, but now we have been long accustomed to see it
<pb n="211" xml:id="p1-211"/>
quite naked: primness and affectation of style, like the good breeding of 
Queen Anne's Court, has turned to hoydening and rude familiarity.
</p><p rend="center">OBSERVATION AND MEMORY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To <anchor xml:id="an211_4"/><ref target="#n211_4">Willam Palgrave</ref></emph>]</p> 
<ab rend="right">Stoke, September 6, 1758.</ab>
<p>I do not know how to make you amends, having neither rock, ruin, or 
precipice near me to send you; they do not grow in the South: but only say 
the word, if you would have a compact neat box of red brick with sash windows, 
or a grotto made of flints and shell-work, or a walnut-tree with three 
mole-hills under it, stuck with honey-suckles round a basin of gold-fishes, 
and you shall be satisfied; they shall come by the Edinburgh coach.
</p><p>In the meantime I congratulate you on your new acquaintance with the
<emph>savage,</emph> the <emph>rude,</emph> and the <emph>tremendous.</emph> Pray, tell 
me, is it anything like what you had read in your book, or seen in 
two-shilling prints? Do not you think a man may be the wiser (I had almost 
said the better) for going a hundred or two of miles; and that the mind has 
more room in it than most people seem to think, if you will but furnish the 
apartments?
<pb n="212" xml:id="p1-212"/>
I almost envy your last month, being in a very insipid situation myself; and 
desire you would not fail to send me some furniture for my Gothic apartment, 
which is very cold at present. It will be the easier task, as you have nothing 
to do but transcribe your little red books, if they are not rubbed out; for I 
conclude you have not trusted everything to memory, which is ten times worse 
than a lead pencil: half a word fixed upon or near the spot, is worth a 
cartload of recollection. When we trust to the picture that objects draw of 
themselves on our mind, we deceive ourselves; without accurate and particular 
observation, it is but ill-drawn at first, the outlines are soon blurred, the 
colours every day grow fainter; and at last, when we would produce it to 
anybody, we are forced to supply its defects with a few strokes of our own 
imagination. God forgive me, I suppose I have done so myself before now, and 
misled many a good body that put their trust in me. . . .
</p><p rend="center">MASON'S CARACTACUS</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Stoke, November 9, 1758.</ab>
<p>. . . While I am writing, <anchor xml:id="an212_24"/><ref target="#n212_24">your second packet</ref> is just arrived. I can only 
tell you in gross that
<pb n="213" xml:id="p1-213"/>
there seem to me certain passages altered, which might as well have been let 
alone; and that I shall not be easily reconciled to Mador's own song. I must 
not have my fancy raised to that agreeable pitch of heathenism and wild 
magical enthusiasm, and then have you let me drop into moral philosophy and 
cold good sense. I remember you insulted me when I saw you last, and affected 
to call that which delighted my imagination nonsense. Now I insist that sense 
is nothing in poetry but according to the dress she wears, and the scene she 
appears in. If you should lead me into a superb Gothic building with a 
thousand clustered pillars, each of them half a mile high, the walls all 
covered with fretwork, and the windows full of red and blue saints, that had 
neither head nor tail, and I should find the Venus of Medici in person perked 
up in a long niche over the high altar, as naked as ever she was born, do you 
think it would raise or damp my devotions? I say that Mador must be entirely 
a Briton, and that his pre-eminence among his companions must be shewn by 
superior wildness, more barbaric fancy, and a more striking and deeper 
harmony, both of words and numbers. If British antiquity be too narrow, this 
is the place for invention; and if it be pure invention, so much the clearer 
must the expression be, and so much
<pb n="214" xml:id="p1-214"/>
the stronger and richer the imagery—there's for you now. . . .
</p><p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, probably December 1
or 2, 1758</emph>]</p>
<p>Ode, p. 32. — "Whom Camber bore." I suppose you say "whom" because 
the harp is treated as a person; but there is an ambiguity in it; and I should 
read "that Camber bore." There is a specimen of nice criticism for you!
</p><p>I much approve <anchor xml:id="an214_10"/><ref target="#n214_10">the six
last lines</ref> of this stanza; it is a noble image, and 
well expressed to the fancy and to the ear.
</p><p>I. 2. — A rill has no tide of waters to "tumble down amain." I am 
sorry to observe this just in a place where I see the difficulty of rhyming. 
I object nothing to the "Symphony of ringdoves and poplars," but that it is 
an idea borrowed from yourself; and I would not have you seem to repeat your 
own inventions.
</p><p>I conceive <anchor xml:id="an214_20"/><ref target="#n214_20">the four
last lines</ref> to be allegorical, alluding to the brutal 
ferocity of the natives, which by the power of music was softened into 
civility. It should not, therefore, be the "wolf-dog," but the "wolf" itself, 
that bays the trembling moon; it is the wolf that thins the flocks, and not 
the dog, who is their guardian.
</p><p>I. 3. — I read <anchor xml:id="an214_27"/><ref target="#n214_27">"The Fairy Fancy."</ref> I like all 
<pb n="215" xml:id="p1-215"/>
this extremely, and particularly the ample plumes of Inspiration, that
<quote><anchor xml:id="an215_3"/><ref target="#n215_3">"Beat on</ref> the
breathless bosom of the air."</quote>
Yet, if I were foolish, I could find fault with this verse, as others will
do. But what I do not conceive is, how such wings as those of Inspiration 
should be mistaken for the wings of Sleep, who (as you yourself tell me 
presently) "sinks softly down the skies"; besides, is not "her" false 
English? The nominative case is "she."
</p><p>II. 3. — This belongs to the second epode. Does the swart-star (that 
is, Sirius) shine from the north? I believe not. But <anchor xml:id="an215_13"/><ref target="#n215_13">Dr. Long</ref> will tell you.
</p><p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from London, January 18,
1759</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I send you in short my opinion of Caractacus, so far, I mean, as I 
have seen of it; I shall only tell you further, that I am charmed with the 
idea you give me of your fourth Ode; it is excellently introduced, and the 
specimen you send me even sublime. I am wrapped in it; but the last line of 
the stanza falls off, and must be changed, "Courage was in his van," etc., 
for it is ordinary when compared with the rest; to be sure, the immortality 
of the soul and the happiness of dying in battle are Druid doctrines; you
<pb n="216" xml:id="p1-216"/>
may dress them at pleasure, so they do but look wild and British.
</p><p>I have little to say from hence but that <anchor xml:id="an216_3"/><ref target="#n216_3">Cleone</ref> has succeeded very well 
at Covent Garden, and that people who despised it in manuscript went to see 
it, and confess — they cried so. For fear of crying too I did not go. 
Poor Smart is not dead, as was said, and <anchor xml:id="an216_8"/><ref target="#n216_8"><emph>Merope</emph></ref> is acted for his 
benefit this week, with a new farce, <anchor xml:id="an216_9"/><ref target="#n216_9"><emph>The Guardian</emph></ref>. Here is a very 
agreeable opera of <anchor xml:id="an216_10"/><ref target="#n216_10">Cocchi's</ref>, <anchor xml:id="an216_11"/><ref target="#n216_11">the <emph>Cyrus</emph></ref>, which gave me some
pleasure; do you know I like both Whitehead's Odes in great measure, but
nobody else does. . . .
</p><p>II. 2. — <anchor xml:id="an216_14-1" n="an216_14"/><ref target="#n216_14">These
are</ref> <anchor xml:id="an216_14-2" n="an216_14"/><ref target="#n216_14">my favourite
stanzas</ref>. I am satisfied, both mind 
and ear, and dare not murmur. If Mador would sing as well in the first chorus, 
I should cease to plague you. Only, —
<quote>"Rise at her art's command"</quote>
is harsh, and says no more than
<quote>"Arise at her command,"</quote> or
<quote>"Are born at her command."</quote>
</p><p>II. 3. — I told you of the swart-star before. At the end I read,
<quote>"Till Destiny prepare a shrine of purer clay."</quote>
Afterwards read, "Resume no more thy strain."
<pb n="217" xml:id="p1-217"/>
You will say I have no notion of <anchor xml:id="an217_1"/><ref target="#n217_1"><emph>tout-ensembles</emph></ref>, if I do not tell 
you that I like the scheme of this ode at least as well as the execution.
</p><p>P. 2. — I liked the opening as it was originally better than I do 
now, though I never thoroughly understood "how <anchor xml:id="an217_6"/><ref target="#n217_6">blank</ref> he frowns." And as to 
"black stream," it gives me the idea of a river of mud. I should read "dark 
stream," imagining it takes its hue only from the rocks and trees that 
overhang it. "These cliffs, these yawning," etc., comes in very well where 
it stood at first, and you have only removed it to another place where, by 
being somewhat more diffused, it appears weaker. You have introduced no new 
image in your new beginning but one, "utters deep wailings," which is very 
well: but as to a <anchor xml:id="an217_17"/><ref target="#n217_17">"trickling runlet,"</ref> I never heard of such a
thing, unless it were a runlet of brandy.
</p><p>Yet I have no objection at all to the reflection Didius makes on the power 
objects of the sight have over the soul; it is in its place, and might even 
be longer, but then it should be more choicely and more feelingly expressed. 
He must not talk of dells and streams only, but of something more striking, 
and more corresponding to the scene before him. Intellect is a word of 
science, and therefore is inferior to any more common word.
<pb n="218" xml:id="p1-218"/>
P. 3. — For the same reason I reject <anchor xml:id="an218_2"/><ref target="#n218_2">"philosophy,"</ref> and read "studious 
they measure, save when contemplation," etc., and here you omit two lines, 
relating to astronomy, for no cause that I discern.
</p><p>P. 4. — What is your quarrel to "shallops"? I like "Go bid thine 
eagles soar," perhaps from obstinacy, for I know you have met with some wise 
gentleman who says it is a false thought, and informs you that these were not 
real eagles, but made of metal or wood, painted. The word "seers," comes over 
too often: here, besides, it sounds ill. Elidurus need not be so fierce. 
"Dost thou insult us, Roman?" was better before. Sure "plan'd" is a nasty 
stiff word.
</p><p>P. 6. — It must be <anchor xml:id="an218_16"/><ref target="#n218_16">Caesar and Fate</ref>; the name of Claudius carries 
contempt with it.
</p><p>P. 7. — "Brother, I spurn it,"—better than "I scorn it." 
"Misjudging Boy!" is weakly. He calls him coward because such a reproach 
was most likely to sting him. "I'll do the deed myself," is bolder, more 
resolute, more hearty, than the alteration. "Lead forth the saintly," etc., 
better, shorter, and more lively at first. What have I to do with "purple 
robes" and "arraignments"?—like a trial at York assizes.
</p><p>P. 8. — "Try, if 'twill bring her deluging," etc., better so, only 
I do not like "strait justice": <anchor xml:id="an218_29"/><ref target="#n218_29">"modest mounds"</ref> is far worse.
<pb n="219" xml:id="p1-219"/>
P. 9. — "Do this and prosper, but pray thee," etc. Oh! how much 
superior to the cold lines for which you would omit them. It is not you but 
somebody else that has been busy here and elsewhere. "Come from their caves." 
I read, "Are issuing from their caves. Hearest thou yon signal?" and put 
"awful" where it was before. "I'll wait the closing," etc. Leave it as it
was. "Do thou as likes thee best, betray, or aid me": it is shorter and more 
sulky. Elidurus too must not go off in silence; and what can he say better?
</p><p>P. 10. — I do not dislike the idea of <anchor xml:id="an219_14"/><ref target="#n219_14">this ceremony</ref>, but the 
execution of it is careless and hasty. The reply of the semi-chorus is stolen 
from Dryden's Œdipus, which, perhaps, you never saw, nor I since I was 
a boy, at which time it left an impression on my fancy. Pray look at it. 
"This dread ground" breaks my teeth. "Be it worm, or <anchor xml:id="an219_20"/><ref target="#n219_20">aske</ref>, or toad": these 
are things for fairies to make war upon but not Druids, at least they must 
not name them. An <emph>aske</emph> is something I never heard of. "Full five 
fathom underground." Consider, five fathom is but thirty feet; many a cellar 
lies deeper. I read, <anchor xml:id="an219_25"/><ref target="#n219_25">"Gender'd by</ref> the autumnal moon"; by its light I
mean. 
"Conjoined" is a bad word. "Supernal art profound" is negligent. Indeed I do 
not understand the image, how the
<pb n="220" xml:id="p1-220"/>
snakes in copulation should heave their egg to the sky; you will say it is <anchor xml:id="an220_2"/><ref target="#n220_2">an old British fancy</ref>. 
I know it of old; but then it must be made picturesque, and
look almost as if it were true. 
</p><p>P. 13. — "Befit such station." The verse
wants a syllable. "Even in the breast of Mona," read "the heart of Mona."
"Catches fresh grace"; the simile is good, but not this expression. The Tower
is more majestic, more venerable, not more graceful. I read, 
<quote><lg><l rend="indent">"He looks as doth the Tower</l> 
<l>After the conflict of Heaven's angry bolts;</l> 
<anchor xml:id="an220_13"/><l><ref target="#n220_13">Its nodding walls</ref>, its
shatter'd battlements,</l> 
<l>Frown with a dignity unmark'd before,</l> 
<l>Ev'n in its prime of strength."</l></lg></quote>
</p><p>P. 13. — I do not desire he should return the Druid's
salute so politely. Let him enter with that reflection, "This holy place,"
etc., and not stand upon ceremony. It required no alteration, only I hate the
word "vegetate," and would read,<quote> 
<lg><l rend="indent3">"Tell me, Druid,</l> 
<l>Is it not better to be such as these</l> 
<l>Than be the thing I am?"</l></lg></quote>  
</p><p>I read, too, "Nor show a Praetor's edict," etc., and <anchor xml:id="an220_26"/><ref target="#n220_26">"pestilent glare,"</ref> 
as they were before. Add, too, "See to the
altar's base the victims led," etc. And then, whether they were bulls or men,
it is all one. I must repeat again, that the word "Seers" is repeated for
ever.
<pb n="221" xml:id="p1-221"/>
P. 15. — <anchor xml:id="an221_1"/><ref target="#n221_1">"I know it,
rev'rend Fathers,"</ref> etc. This 
speech is sacred with me, and an example of dramatic poetry. Touch not a hair
of its head, as you love your honour.  
</p><p>P. 16. — I had rather some of these
personages, "Resignation, Peace, Revenge, Slaughter, Ambition," were stript
of their allegorical garb. A little simplicity here in the expression would
better prepare the high and fantastic strain, and all the unimaginable
harpings that follow. I admire all from "Eager to snatch thee," etc., down to
the first epode of the chorus. You give these Miltonic stanzas up so easily
that I begin to waver about Mador's song. If you have written it, and it turn
out the finest thing in the world, I rejoice, and say no more. Let it come
though it were in the middle of a sermon; but if not, I do confess, at last,
that the chorus may break off, and do very well without a word more. Do not be
angry at the trouble I have given you; and now I have found the reason why I
could not be pleased with Mador's philosophic song. The true lyric style, with
all its flights of fancy, ornaments, and heightening of expression, and
harmony of sound, is in its nature superior to every other style; which is
just the cause why it could not be borne in a work of great length, no more
than the eye could bear to see all this scene that we constantly gaze
<pb n="222" xml:id="p1-222"/>
upon, — the verdure of the fields and woods,
the azure of the sea and skies, turned into one dazzling expanse of gems. The
epic, therefore, assumed a style of graver colours, and only stuck on a
diamond (borrowed from her sister) here and there, where it best became
her. When we pass from the diction that suits this kind of writing to that
which belongs to the former, it appears natural, and delights us; but to pass
on a sudden from the lyric glare to the epic solemnity (if I may be allowed to
talk nonsense) has a very different effect. We seem to drop from verse into
mere prose, from light into darkness. Another thing is, the pauses proper to
one and the other are not at all the same; the ear therefore loses by the
change. Do you think if <anchor xml:id="an222_16"/><ref target="#n222_16">Mingotti</ref> stopped in the middle of her best air,
and only repeated the remaining verses (though the best <anchor xml:id="an222_18"/><ref target="#n222_18">Metastasio</ref> ever wrote),
that they would not appear very cold to you, and very heavy?  
</p><p>P. 24. — "Boldly dare" is tautology.  
</p><p>P. 27. — "Brigantum": there was no such place.  
</p><p>P. 28. — "The sacred <anchor xml:id="an222_24"/><ref target="#n222_24">hares</ref>." You might as well say "the sacred 
hogs."  
</p><p>P. 29. — There is an affectation in so often using the old phrase
of "or ere" for "before."  
</p><p>P. 30. — "Rack" is the course of the clouds, 
<pb n="223" xml:id="p1-223"/>
"wreck" is ruin and destruction. Which do you mean? I am not yet entirely 
satisfied with the conclusion of this fine
allegory. "That blest prize redeem'd" is flatly expressed; and her sticking
the pages over the arch of her bower is an idea a little burlesque; besides,
are we sure the whole is not rather too long for the place it is in, where all
the interests of the scene stand still for it? And this is still drawn out
further by the lines you have here put into the mouth of Caractacus. Do not
mistake me; I admire part of it, and approve almost all; but consider the time
and place.  
</p><p>P. 31. — "Pensive Pilgrim." Why not? There is an impropriety in
"wakeful wanderer." I have told you my thoughts of this chorus already; the
whole scheme is excellent, the 2d strophe and antistrophe divine. <anchor xml:id="an223_18"/><ref target="#n223_18">Money</ref> (I 
know) is your motive, and of that I wash my hands. Fame is your second
consideration; of that I am not the dispenser, but if your own approbation
(for every one is a little conscious of his own talents) and mine have any
weight with you, you will write an ode or two every year, till you are turned
of fifty, not for the world, but for as two only; we will now and then give a
little glimpse of them, but no copies.  
</p><p>P. 37. — I do not like "maidenhood."
<pb n="224" xml:id="p1-224"/>
P. 38. — Why not "smoke in vain " as before? The word "meek" is too 
often repeated.  
</p><p>P. 42. — The only reason why you have altered my favourite speech is, 
that "surging and plunging," "main and domain," come too near each other; 
but could not you correct these without spoiling all? I read <quote>
<lg><l>"Cast his broad eye upon the wild of ocean,</l> 
<l>And calm'd it with a glance; then, plunging deep</l> 
<l>His mighty arm, pluck'd from its dark domain," etc.</l></lg></quote>  
</p><p>Pray have done with your "piled stores and coral floors."  
</p><p>P. 43. — "The dies of Fate," that is, "the dice of
Fate." Find out another word.  
</p><p>P. 44. — I cannot say I think this scene
improved: I had no objection before, but to "harm a poor wretch like me";
and what you have inserted is to me inferior to what it was meant to replace,
except p. 47, "And why this silence," which is very well; <anchor xml:id="an224_20"/><ref target="#n224_20">the end of the 
scene</ref> is one of my favourite passages.  
</p><p>P. 49. — Why scratch out, <anchor xml:id="an224_22"/><ref target="#n224_22">"Thou, 
gallant boy"</ref>? I do not know to what other scene you have transferred these
rites of lustration, but methinks they did very well here. Arviragus's account
of himself I always was highly pleased with.  
</p><p>P. 51. — <anchor xml:id="an224_27"/><ref target="#n224_27">"Fervid"</ref> is a bad word. 
<pb n="225" xml:id="p1-225"/>
</p><ab rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, March 1,
1759</emph>]</ab> 
<p>. . . I did not remember ever to have seen <anchor xml:id="an225_3"/><ref target="#n225_3">the joint criticism</ref> from Prior Park that
you speak of, so little impression did it make; nor should I believe now that
I had ever seen it, did I not recollect what a prejudice the parsons expressed
to human sacrifice, which is quite agreeable to my way of thinking; since
Caractacus convinced me of the propriety of the thing, it is certain that
their fancies did in no sort influence me in the use of my tomahawk. Now you
must know I do not much admire <anchor xml:id="an225_12"/><ref target="#n225_12">the chorus of the rocking-stone</ref>, nor yet much 
disapprove it; it is grave and solemn, and may pass. I insist, however, that
"deigns" (though it be a rhyme) should be "deign'st," and "fills" "fill'st," 
and "bids" "bid'st." Do not blame me, but the English tongue. The
beginning of the antistrophe is good. I do not like<quote> 
                "meandring way<lb/> 
Where Vice and Folly stray,"</quote> 
nor the word "sprite." The beginning too of the epode is
well; but you have used the epithet "pale" before in a sense somewhat
similar, and I do not love repetitions. The line<quote>
"Or magic numbers"</quote> 
interrupts the run of the stanza, and lets the
<pb n="226" xml:id="p1-226"/>
measure drop too short. There is no beauty in repeating "ponderous sphere." 
The two last lines are the best. 
</p><p>The sense of your simile about the "distant thunder" is not clear, nor 
well expressed; besides, it implies too strong a confession of guilt.  
</p><p>The stanza you sent me for the second Ode is very rude;
and neither the idea nor verses touch me much. It is not the gout that makes
me thus difficult. Finish but your Death-song as well as you imagined and
begun it, and mind if I won't be more pleased than anybody. . . . Did I tell
you how well I liked <anchor xml:id="an226_14"/><ref target="#n226_14">Whitehead's two Odes</ref>? They are far better than
anything he ever wrote. . . .  
</p><p rend="center">STAINED GLASS</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from London, November 28,
1759</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I have had an enquiry from Mr. Jonathan about painted glass, and
have given him such information, as I could procure. The manufacture at York
seems to be the thing for your purpose, but the name of the Person I cannot
learn. He at Worcester sells it for two shillings a pound (for it is sold by
weight). I approve very well of the canopy work border on the sides of each
<pb n="227" xml:id="p1-227"/>
light descending to the bottom, provided it do not
darken the window too much, and take up so much of the twenty inches space, as
to make the plain glass in the middle appear over narrow. But I have been more
used to see the whole top of colour'd glass (from where the arch begins to
turn), the gloom above contributing much to the beauty of the clear view
below. I cannot decide: the first is more Gothic and more uncommon, the
latter more convenient and more cheerful. Green glass is not classical, nor
ever seen in a real Church window, but where there is History painted, and
there the Green is remarkably bad. I propose, the rich amethyst-purple instead
of it. The mosaic pattern can hardly come amiss, only do not let too much
yellow and scarlet come together. If I could describe the mosaic at
Mr. W[alpole']s it would be of no use to you, because it is not merely made of
squares put together, but painted in a pattern by Price, and shaded. It is as
if little Balaustines, or Pomegranate-flowers, were set four together, and
formed a lozenge. These are of a golden yellow with a white Pearl at the
junctions, and the spaces inclosed by them are scarlet, or blue. This repeated
makes a Diaper-work, and fills the whole top of the window. . . .
<pb n="228" xml:id="p1-228"/>
</p><ab rend="center">FROISSART</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">London, Thursday, January 23, 1760.</ab>  
<p>Dear Doctor — I am much obliged to you for your antique news:
<anchor xml:id="an228_4"/><ref target="#n228_4">Froissard</ref> is a favourite
book of mine (tho' I have not attentively read him, 
but only dip'd here and there) and it is strange to me that people who would
give thousands for a dozen Portraits (Originals of that time) to furnish a
gallery, should never cast an eye on so many moving pictures of the life,
actions, manners, and thoughts of their ancestors done on the spot, and in
strong tho' simple colours. In <anchor xml:id="an228_13"/><ref target="#n228_13">the succeeding century</ref> Froissard (I find) was 
read with great satisfaction by everybody, that could read; and on the same
footing with <anchor xml:id="an228_16-1" n="an228_16"/><ref target="#n228_16">King
Arthur</ref>, <anchor xml:id="an228_16-2" n="an228_16"/><ref target="#n228_16">Sir
Tristram</ref>, and <anchor xml:id="an228_17"/><ref target="#n228_17">Archbishop Turpin</ref>: not because 
they thought him a fabulous Writer, but because they took them all for true
and authentic Historians. To so little purpose was it in that age for a Man to
be at the pains of writing truth! Pray, are you come to <anchor xml:id="an228_22"/><ref target="#n228_22">the four Irish Kings</ref>, 
that went to school to K. Richard the 2d.'s Master of the Ceremonies; and the
Man <anchor xml:id="an228_24"/><ref target="#n228_24">who informed
Froissard</ref> of all he had seen in St. Patrick's Purgatory? . . . 
<pb n="229" xml:id="p1-229"/>
</p><ab rend="center">OSSIAN</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole, probably from London, before April
4, 1760</emph>]</p> 
<p>I am so charmed with the two <anchor xml:id="an229_3"/><ref target="#n229_3">specimens of Erse poetry</ref>, that I cannot 
help giving you the trouble to enquire a little farther about them, and should
wish to see a few lines of the original, that I may form some slight idea of
the language, the measures, and the rhythm.  
</p><p>Is there anything known of the
author or authors, and of what antiquity are they supposed to be? Is there
any more to be had of equal beauty, or at all approaching to it? I have been
often told that the Poem called <anchor xml:id="an229_13"/><ref target="#n229_13">Hardycanute</ref> (which I always admired and still 
admire) was the work of somebody that lived a few years ago. This I do not at
all believe, though it has evidently been retouched in places by some modern
hand: but however, I am authorized by this report to ask, whether the two
Poems in question are certainly antique and genuine. I make this enquiry in
quality of an antiquary, and am not otherwise concerned about it: for, if I
were sure that any one now living in Scotland had written them to divert
himself, and laugh at the credulity of the world, I would undertake a journey
into the Highlands only for the pleasure of seeing him.
<pb n="230" xml:id="p1-230"/>
</p><ab rend="center">FREDERICK THE GREAT, STERNE, ETC.</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from London, April 22,
1760</emph>]</p> 
<p>. . . The town are reading <anchor xml:id="an230_3"/><ref target="#n230_3">the K. of Prussia's poetry</ref>, 
(Le Philosophe sans Souci) and I have done, like the town. They do not seem so
sick of it, as I am. It is all <anchor xml:id="an230_5"/><ref target="#n230_5">the scum of Voltaire</ref> and Lord Bolingbroke, the 
<anchor xml:id="an230_6"/><ref target="#n230_6"><emph>Crambe recocta</emph></ref>
of our worst Freethinkers, toss'd up in German-French 
rhyme. <anchor xml:id="an230_8"/><ref target="#n230_8">Tristram Shandy</ref>
is still a greater object of admiration, the Man as 
well as the Book. One is invited to dinner, where he dines, a fortnight
beforehand. His portrait is done by Reynolds, and now engraving. Dodsley gives
£700 for a second edition, and two new volumes not yet written; and 
to-morrow will come out two Volumes of Sermons by him. Your friend, Mr. Hall 
has printed two Lyric Epistles, one to my Cousin Shandy on his coming to Town, 
the other to the grown gentlewomen, the Misses of York: they seem to me to be 
absolute madness. These are the best lines in them: —<quote> 
<lg><l>I'll tell you a story of Elijah —</l> 
<l>Close by a Mob of Children stood,</l> 
<l>Commenting on his sober mood, &amp;c.:</l> 
<l>And backed them (their opinions) like such sort of folks</l>
<l>With a few stones and a few jokes:</l> 
<l>Till, weary of their pelting and their prattle,</l></lg></quote>
<pb n="231" xml:id="p1-231"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>He ordered out his Bears to battle.</l>  
<l>It was delightful fun</l> 
<l>To see them run</l> 
<l>And eat up the young Cattle.</l></lg></quote>  
</p><p>The 7th volume of Buffon is come over: do you choose to have it?  
</p><p rend="center">THE ODES TO OBSCURITY AND OBLIVION</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from London, June 7, 1760</emph>]</p> 
<p>. . . I have sent <anchor xml:id="an231_8"/><ref target="#n231_8">Musaeus</ref> to 
Mr. Fraser, scratched here and there; and with it I desired him to inclose <anchor xml:id="an231_10"/><ref target="#n231_10">a 
bloody satire</ref>, written against no less persons than you and me by name. I
concluded at first it was <anchor xml:id="an231_12"/><ref target="#n231_12">Mr. Pottinger</ref>, because he is your friend and my 
humble servant; but then I thought he knew the world too well to call us the
favourite minions of taste and of fashion, especially as to Odes, for to them
his abuse is confined. So it is not Secretary Pottinger, but Mr. Colman, nephew
to my Lady Bath, author of "The Connoisseur" a member of some of the inns of
court, and a particular acquaintance of Mr. Garrick's. What have you done to
him? For I never heard his name before? He makes very tolerable fun with me,
where I understand him, which is not everywhere, but seems more angry with
you. Lest
<pb n="232" xml:id="p1-232"/>
people should not understand the
humour of the thing (which indeed to do they must have our lyricisms at their
fingers' ends), he writes letters in Lloyd's Evening Post to tell them who and
what it was that he meant, and says that it is like to produce a great
<emph>combustion</emph> in the literary world; so if you have any mind to 
<emph>combustle</emph> about it well and good; for me, I am neither so literary 
nor so <emph>combustible.</emph> . . .
</p><p rend="center">OSSIAN, THE TWO ODES, TRISTRAM SHANDY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, probably from London, June,
1760</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . If you have seen Stonehewer he has probably told you
of my old Scotch (or rather Irish) poetry. I am gone mad about them. They are
said to be translations (literal and in prose) from the <emph>Erse</emph>-tongue, 
done by one Macpherson, a young Clergyman in the High-lands. He means to 
publish a Collection he has of these specimens of antiquity, if it be 
antiquity: but what plagues me is, I cannot come at any certainty on that 
head. I was so struck, so <emph>extasié</emph> with their infinite beauty, 
that I writ into Scotland to make a thousand enquiries. The letters I have 
in return are ill-wrote, ill-reasoned, unsatisfactory, calculated (one would
<pb n="233" xml:id="p1-233"/>
imagine) to deceive one, and yet not cunning enough to do it cleverly. In 
short, the whole external evidence would make one believe these fragments 
(for so he calls them, tho' nothing can be more entire) counterfeit: but the 
internal is so strong on the other side, that I am resolved to believe them 
genuine, spite of the Devil and the Kirk. It is impossible to convince me, 
that they were invented by the same Man, that writes me these letters. On the 
other hand it is almost as hard to suppose, if they are original, that he 
should be able to translate them so admirably. What can one do? Since 
Stonehewer went, I have received another of a very different and inferior 
kind (being merely descriptive) much more modern than the former (he says) yet 
very old too; this too in its way is extremely fine. In short this Man is 
the very Demon of poetry, or he has lighted on a treasure hid for ages. The 
Welsh Poets are also coming to light: I have seen a Discourse in MS. about 
them (by one <anchor xml:id="an233_21"/><ref target="#n233_21">Mr. Evans</ref>, a Clergyman) with specimens of their
writings. This 
is in Latin, and though it don't approach the other, there are fine scraps 
among it.
</p><p>You will think I am grown mighty poetical of a sudden; you would think so 
still more, if you knew, there was a Satire printed against me and Mason 
jointly. It is call'd <emph>Two Odes:</emph> the
<pb n="234" xml:id="p1-234"/>
one is inscribed to Obscurity (that
is me) the other to Oblivion. It tells me what I never heard before, for
(speaking of himself) the Author says, tho' he has,<quote>
<lg><l>"Nor the Pride, nor Self-Opinion,</l>
<l>That possess the happy Pair,</l> 
<l>Each of Taste the fav'rite Minion,</l>
<l>Prancing thro' the desert air:</l> 
<l>Yet shall he mount, with classic housings grac'd,</l> 
<l>By help mechanic of equestrian block;</l> 
<l>And all unheedful of the Critic's mock</l>
<l>Spur his light Courser o'er the bounds of Taste."</l></lg></quote>  
</p><p>The writer is a Mr. Coleman, who publish'd the <emph>Connoisseur,</emph> nephew 
to the late Lady Bath, and a Friend of Garrick's. I believe his Odes sell no 
more than mine did, for I saw a heap of them lie in a Bookseller's window, who 
recommended them to me as a very pretty thing.  
</p><p>If I did not mention Tristram to you, it was because
I thought I had done so before. There is much good fun in it, and humour
sometimes hit and sometimes mist. I agree with your opinion of it, and shall
see the two future volumes with pleasure. Have you read his Sermons (with his
own comic figure at the head of them)? They are in the style, I think, most
proper for the pulpit, and shew a very strong imagination and a sensible
heart: but you see him often tottering on the verge of laughter, and ready to
throw his periwig in the face of his audience. . . . 
<pb n="235" xml:id="p1-235"/>
</p><ab rend="center">D'ALEMBERT AND OSSIAN</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Richard Stonehewer, from London, June 29,
1760</emph>]</p> 
<p>I too was reading <anchor xml:id="an235_2"/><ref target="#n235_2">M. D'Alembert</ref>, and (like you) am totally
disappointed in 
<anchor xml:id="an235_3"/><ref target="#n235_3">his Elements</ref>. I could
only taste a little of the first course: it was dry as a 
stick, hard as a stone, and cold as a cucumber. But then <anchor xml:id="an235_6"/><ref target="#n235_6">the letter to 
Rousseau</ref> is like himself; and the <anchor xml:id="an235_7"/><ref target="#n235_7">"Discourses on Elocution,"</ref> and on the 
<anchor xml:id="an235_8"/><ref target="#n235_8">"Liberty of Music,"</ref> are
divine. He has added to his translations from Tacitus; 
and (what is remarkable) though that author's manner more nearly resembles the
best French writers of the present age, than anything, he totally fails in the
attempt. Is it his fault, or that of the language?  
</p><p>I have received another
Scotch packet with a third specimen, inferior in kind (because it is merely
description), but yet full of nature and noble wild imagination. Five Bards
pass the night at the Castle of a Chief (himself a principal Bard); each goes
out in his turn to observe the face of things, and returns with an extempore
picture of the changes he has seen; it is an October night (the harvest month
of the Highlands). This is the whole plan; yet there is a contrivance, and a
preparation of ideas, that you would not expect. The oddest thing is, that
every one of them
<pb n="236" xml:id="p1-236"/>
sees Ghosts (more or less). The idea, that struck and surprised me most, is 
the following. One of them (describing a storm of wind and rain) says 
<quote>
<lg><l>"Ghosts ride on the tempest to-night:</l> 
<l>Sweet is their voice between the gusts of wind;</l> 
<l><emph>Their songs are of other worlds!</emph>"</l></lg></quote> 
Did you never observe (<emph><anchor xml:id="an236_7"/><ref target="#n236_7">while rocking winds</ref> are piping loud</emph>) 
that pause, as the gust is recollecting itself, and rising upon the ear in a
shrill and plaintive note, like the swell of an Æolian harp? I do 
assure you there is nothing in the world so like the voice of a spirit. 
Thomson had an ear sometimes: he was not deaf to this; and <anchor xml:id="an236_14"/><ref target="#n236_14">has described it 
gloriously</ref>, but given it another different turn, and of more horror. I
cannot 
repeat the lines: it is in his "Winter." There is another very fine picture 
in one of them. It describes the breaking of the clouds after the storm, 
before it is settled into a calm, and when the moon is seen by short
intervals.<quote>
<lg><anchor xml:id="an236_21"/><l><ref target="#n236_21">"The waves are
tumbling</ref> on the lake,</l> 
<l>And lash the rocky sides.</l> 
<l>The boat is brim-full in the cove,</l> 
<l>The oars on the rocking tide.</l> 
<l>Sad sits a maid beneath a cliff,</l> 
<l>And eyes the rolling stream:</l> 
<l>Her lover promised to come,</l> 
<l>She saw his boat (when it was evening) on the lake;</l> 
<l><emph xml:id="part1.1" next="#part1.2">Are these his groans in the gale?</emph></l> 
<l><emph xml:id="part1.2" prev="#part1.1">Is this his broken boat on the shore?</emph>"</l></lg></quote> 
<pb n="237" xml:id="p1-237"/>
</p><ab rend="center">OSSIAN, ETC.</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, August 7,
1760</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . The Erse Fragments have been published five
weeks ago in Scotland, though I had them not (by a mistake) till last week. As
you tell me new things do not soon reach you at Aston, I inclose what I can;
the rest shall follow when you tell me whether you have not got it already. I
send the two which I had before, for Mr. Wood, because he has not the
affectation of not admiring. I continue to think them genuine, though my
reasons for believing the contrary are rather stronger than ever: but I will
have them antique, for I never knew a Scotchman of my own time that could
read, much less write, poetry; and such poetry too! I have one (from
Mr. Macpherson) which he has not printed: it is mere description, but
excellent, too, in its kind. If you are good, and will learn to admire, I will
transcribe it. Pray send to Sheffield for the last <emph>Monthly Review:</emph> 
there is a deal of stuff about us and Mr. Colman. It says one of us, at least, 
has always borne his faculties meekly. I leave you to guess which that is: I 
think I know. You oaf, you must be meek, must you? And see what you get by it!
. . .
<pb n="238" xml:id="p1-238"/>
A Note. — Having made many enquiries
about the authenticity of these Fragments, I have got <anchor xml:id="an238_3"/><ref target="#n238_3">a letter from Mr. David Hume</ref>, 
the historian, which is more satisfactory than anything I have yet met
with on that subject: he says, — 
</p><p>"Certain it is that these poems are in
everybody's mouth in the Highlands — have been handed down from father to
son — and are of an age beyond all memory and tradition. Adam Smith, the
celebrated Professor in Glasgow, told me that the piper of the Argyleshire
militia repeated to him all those which Mr. Macpherson has translated, and
many more of equal beauty. Major Mackay (Lord Rae's brother) told me that he
remembers them perfectly well; as likewise did the Laird of Macfarline (the
greatest antiquarian we have in this country), and who insists strongly on the
historical truth, as well as the poetical beauty, of these productions. I
could add the Laird and Lady Macleod, with many more that live in different
parts of the Highlands, very remote from each other, and could only be
acquainted with what had become (in a manner) national works. There is a
country-surgeon in Lochaber, who has by heart the entire epic poem mentioned
by Mr. Macpherson in his Preface, and, as he is old, is perhaps the only
person living that knows it all, and has
<pb n="239" xml:id="p1-239"/>
never committed it to writing. We are in the more haste to recover a monument 
which will certainly be regarded as a curiosity in the republic of letters. We 
have therefore set about a subscription of a guinea or two guineas a-piece in 
order to enable Mr. Macpherson to undertake a mission into the Highlands to 
recover this poem and other fragments of antiquity."  
</p><p>I forgot to mention to you that
the names of Fingal, Ossian, Oscar, &amp;c., are still given in the Highlands 
to large mastiffs, as we give to ours the names of Caesar, Pompey, Hector,
&amp;c. 
</p><p rend="center">[<emph>To Dr. Clarke, from Cambridge, August 12,
1760</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . Have you seen the Erse
Fragments since they were printed? I am more puzzled than ever about their
antiquity, though I still incline (against everybody's opinion) to believe
them old. Those you have already seen are the best; though there are some
others that are excellent too.  
</p><p rend="center">OSSIAN, GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole, from Cambridge, September 2,
1760</emph>]</p> 
<p>. . . What do you think of the Erse
Poems now they are come out? I suppose your suspicions are augmented: yet
(upon some further
<pb n="240" xml:id="p1-240"/>
inquiries I have made)
Mr. David Hume (the historian) writes word that "their authenticity is beyond
all question; that Adam Smith, the celebrated Professor at Glasgow, has
assured him (who doubted too) that he had heard the <emph>Piper of the
Argyleshire militia</emph> repeat all these and many more of equal beauty. That 
Major Mackay,
the Laird and Lady of Macleod, and the Laird of Macfarline, the greatest
antiquarian in all their country, and others, who live in the Highlands very
remote from each other, remember them perfectly well, and could not be
acquainted with them if they were not spread into every one's mouth there, and
become in a manner national works." This is certainly the only proof, that
works preserved merely by tradition, and not in manuscript, will admit of.
. . .  
</p><p>I beg leave to differ as to the era of Gothic perfection. There is
nothing finer than <anchor xml:id="an240_20"/><ref target="#n240_20">the
nave of York Minster</ref> (in a great and simple style), or 
than <anchor xml:id="an240_21"/><ref target="#n240_21">the choir</ref> of the
same church (in the rich and filigraine 
workmanship). Both these are of Edward the Third's reign, the first in the
beginning, and the latter in the end of it. <anchor xml:id="an240_25"/><ref target="#n240_25">The Lady Chapel</ref> (now Trinity 
Church) at Ely, and the lantern tower in the same Cathedral, are noble works
of the same time. I mention these as great things; but if we must take our
idea from little 
<pb n="241" xml:id="p1-241"/>
ones, <anchor xml:id="an241_1"/><ref target="#n241_1">the Chapel of Bishop
West</ref> (also at Ely), who died in 1533, 24 Henry VIII. surpasses all other
things of the kind.  
</p><p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from London, October 21,
1760</emph>]</p>  
<p>. . . There is a
second edition of the Scotch Fragments, yet very few admire them, and almost
all take them for fictions. I have a letter from D. Hume, the Historian, that
asserts them to be genuine, and cites the names of several people (that know
both languages) who have heard them current in the mouths of Pipers and other
illiterate persons in various and distant parts of the Highlands. There is a
subscription for Mr. Macpherson, which will enable him to undertake a mission
among the Mountaineers, and pick up all the scattered remnants of old
poetry. He is certainly an admirable Judge; if his <emph>learned</emph> Friends 
do not pervert or over-rule his taste.  
</p><p rend="center">MASON'S ELEGY ON LADY COVENTRY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">London, at Mr. Jauncey's, not Jenour's, December 10,
1760.</ab>
<p>Dear Mason — It is not good to give copies of a thing before you 
have given it the last hand.
<pb n="242" xml:id="p1-242"/>
If you would send it to Lord H[oldernesse] you might have spared that to 
<anchor xml:id="an242_2"/><ref target="#n242_2">Lady M. C.</ref>; they have
both shewed it to particular friends, and so it is 
half published before it is finished. I begin again from the beginning:—
</p><p>"Ah, mark," is rather languid. I would read "Heard ye."  
</p><p>V. 3. I read, "and now with rising knell," to avoid two "the's."  
</p><p>V. 10. I read, "since now that bloom," &amp;c.  
</p><p>V. 11, 12, are altered for the better, and so are the following; but for 
"liquid <anchor xml:id="an242_13"/><ref target="#n242_13">lightning</ref>,"
Lord J. Cavendish says there is a dram which goes by 
that name; and T. G. adds, that the words are stolen from a sonnet of the 
late Prince of Wales. What if we read "liquid radiance," and change the word 
"radiant" soon after.
</p><p>V. 18. Read, "that o'er her form," &amp;c.  
</p><p>V. 23. "Cease, cease, luxuriant muse." Though mended, it is still weakly. 
I do not much care for any muse at all here.  
</p><p>V. 26. "Mould'ring" is better than "clay-cold"; somewhat else might be 
better perhaps than either.  
</p><p>V. 35. "Whirl you in her wild career." This image does not come in so well 
here between two real happinesses. The word "lead " before
<pb n="243" xml:id="p1-243"/>
it, as there is no epithet left to "purple," is a little faint.  
</p><p>"Of her choicest stores an ampler share," seems to me prosaic.  
</p><p>"Zenith-height" is harsh to the ear and too scientific.  
</p><p>I take it the interrogation point comes after "fresh delight"; and there 
the sense ends. If so, the question is too long in asking, and leaves a sort 
of obscurity.  
</p><p>V. 46. I understand, but cannot read, <anchor xml:id="an243_12"/><ref target="#n243_12">this line</ref>. Does "tho' soon" belong 
to "lead her hence," or to "the steps were slow"? I take it to the latter; 
and if so, it is hardly grammar; if to the former, the end of the line 
appears very naked without it.  
</p><p>V. 55. "Rouse, then — his voice pursue." I do not like this broken 
line.  
</p><p>V. 74. "Firm as the sons," that is, "as firmly as." The adjective used for 
the adverb here gives it some obscurity, and has the appearance of a 
contradiction.
</p><p>V. 76. <anchor xml:id="an243_23"/><ref target="#n243_23">A less
metaphorical line</ref> would become this place better. 
</p><p>V. 80. This, though <anchor xml:id="an243_25"/><ref target="#n243_25">a
good line</ref>, would be better too if it were more 
simple, for the same figure is amplified in the following stanza, and there 
is no occasion for anticipating it here.
<pb n="244" xml:id="p1-244"/>
V. 85. "And why?" I do not understand. You mean, I imagine, that the warrior 
must not expect to establish his fame as a hero while he is yet alive; but 
how does "living fame" signify this? The construction too, is not good; if 
you mean, with regard to Fame, while he yet lives, Fate denies him that. The 
next line is a bold expression of Shakespeare. The third, "ere from her trump 
— heaven breathed," is not good.  
</p><p>V. 89. "Is it the grasp?" You will call me a coxcomb if I remind you, that 
this stanza in the turn of it is too like a stanza of "another body's."  
</p><p>V. 98. <anchor xml:id="an244_14"/><ref target="#n244_14">"Truth ne'er can
sanctify,"</ref> is an indifferent line. Both Mr. Brown 
and I have some doubt about the justness of this sentiment. A kingdom is 
purchased, we think, too dear with the life of any man; and this no less if 
there "be a life hereafter" than if there be none.  
</p><p>V. 102. We say the juice of the grape "mantles," but not the grape.
</p><p>V. 107. "By earth's poor pittance"; will not do; the end is very well, but
the whole is rather too long, and I would wish it reduced a little in the
latter part. . . .  
<pb n="245" xml:id="p1-245"/>
</p><ab rend="center">LA NOUVELLE HÉLOÏSE, ETC.</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from London, January 22,
1761</emph>]</p>
<p>I cannot pity you; <emph>au contraire</emph>, I wish
I had been at Aston when I was foolish enough to go through the six volumes of
<anchor xml:id="an245_4"/><ref target="#n245_4">the Nouvelle
Heloise</ref>. All that I can say for myself is, that I was confined at 
home for three weeks by a severe cold, and had nothing better to do. There is
no one event in it that might not happen any day of the week (separately
taken), in any private family: yet these events are so put together that the
series of them are more absurd and more improbable than <anchor xml:id="an245_12"/><ref target="#n245_12">Amadis de Gaul</ref>. The 
<emph>dramatis personae</emph> (as the author says) are all of them good 
characters; I am 
sorry to hear it, for had they been all hanged at the end of the third volume
nobody (I believe) would have cared. In short, I went on and on in hopes of
finding some wonderful <emph>dénouement</emph> that would set all right, 
and bring 
something like nature and interest out of absurdity and insipidity; no such
thing, it grows worse and worse, and (if it be Rousseau, which is not doubted)
is the strongest instance I ever saw that a very extraordinary man may
entirely <anchor xml:id="an245_24"/><ref target="#n245_24">mistake his own
talents</ref>.  By the motto and preface it appears to be 
his own story, or something similar to it.
<pb n="246" xml:id="p1-246"/>
The Opera House is crowded this year like any ordinary theatre. <anchor xml:id="an246_2"/><ref target="#n246_2">Elisi</ref> is finer 
than anything that has been here in your memory, yet, as I suspect, has been
finer than he is. He appears to be near forty, a little pot-bellied and
thick-shouldered, otherwise no bad figure; his action proper, and not
ungraceful. We have heard nothing, since I remember operas, but eternal
passages, divisions, and flights of execution; of these he has absolutely
none, whether merely from judgment, or a little from age, I will not
affirm. His point is expression, and to that all the graces and ornaments he
inserts (which are few and short), are evidently directed. He goes higher
(they say) than Farinelli, but then this celestial note you do not hear above
once in a whole opera, and he falls from this altitude at once to the
mellowest, softest, strongest tones (about the middle of his compass) that can
be heard. <anchor xml:id="an246_20"/><ref target="#n246_20">The Mattei</ref>
(I assure you) is much improved by his example, and by 
her great success this winter. But then the Burlettas and <anchor xml:id="an246_22"/><ref target="#n246_22">the Paganina</ref>. I 
have not been so pleased with anything these many years; she too is fat and
about forty, yet handsome withal, and has a face that speaks the language of
all nations. She has not the invention, the fire, and the variety of action,
that <anchor xml:id="an246_28"/><ref target="#n246_28">the Spiletta</ref> had;
yet she is light, agile, ever in motion, 
<pb n="247" xml:id="p1-247"/>
and above all graceful; but then her voice, her ear, her taste in singing: 
Good God! — as <anchor xml:id="an247_3"/><ref target="#n247_3">Mr. Richardson</ref> the painter says. Pray ask my
Lord, for 
I think I have seen him there once or twice, as much pleased as I was.  
</p><p>I have long thought of reading Jeremy Taylor, for I am persuaded that 
chopping logic in the pulpit, as our divines have done ever since the 
Revolution, is not the thing; but that imagination and warmth of expression 
are in their place there as much as on the stage, moderated however, and 
chastised a little by the purity and severity of religion. . . .  
</p><p rend="center">GOTHIC DESIGN</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from London, September 8,
1761</emph>]</p>
<p>Dear Doctor — I am just come to Town, where I shall stay
six weeks or more, and (if you will send your dimensions) will look out for
papers at the shops. I own I never yet saw any Gothic papers to my
fancy. There is one fault, that is in the nature of the thing, and cannot be
avoided. The great beauty of all Gothic designs is the variety of perspectives
they occasion. This a Painter may represent on the walls of a room in some
measure; but not a Designer of Papers,
<pb n="248" xml:id="p1-248"/>
where, what is
represented on one breadth, must be exactly repeated on another, both in the
light and shade, and in the dimensions. This we cannot help; but they do not
even do what they might: they neglect <anchor xml:id="an248_5"/><ref target="#n248_5">Hollar</ref>, to copy <anchor xml:id="an248_6"/><ref target="#n248_6">Mr. Halfpenny's</ref> 
architecture, so that all they do is more like a goose-pie than a
cathedral. You seem to suppose, that they do Gothic papers in colours, but I
never saw any but such as were to look like Stucco: nor indeed do I conceive
that they could have any effect or meaning. Lastly, I never saw anything of
gilding, such as you mention, on paper, but we shall see. Only pray leave as
little to my judgment as possible. . . .  
</p><p rend="center">FINGAL</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, January,
1762</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . The Heloïse cruelly disappointed me, but it
has its partisans, among which are Mason and Mr. Hurd. For me, I admire
nothing but Fingal (I conclude you have read it: if not Stonehewer can lend
it to you), yet I remain still in doubt about the authenticity of those poems,
though inclining rather to believe them genuine in spite of the World. Whether
they are the inventions of antiquity, or of a modern Scotchman, 
<pb n="249" xml:id="p1-249"/>
either case is to me alike unaccountable. Je m'y pers. . . .  
</p><p rend="center">WHITEHEAD'S WORKS, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, March 17,
1762</emph>]</p> 
<p>The laureate 
has honoured me (as a friend of yours, for I know no other reason) with <anchor xml:id="an249_6"/><ref target="#n249_6">his new play</ref> 
and his "Charge to the Poets": the first very middling; the second I
am pleased with, chiefly with the sense, and sometimes with the verse and
expression; and yet the best thing he ever wrote was that <anchor xml:id="an249_10"/><ref target="#n249_10">"Elegy against 
Friendship"</ref> you once shewed me, where the sense was detestable; so that you
see it is not at all necessary a poet should be a good sort of man — no,
not even in his writings. Bob Lloyd has published his works in a just quarto
volume, containing, among other things, a Latin translation of my Elegy; an
epistle in which is <anchor xml:id="an249_17"/><ref target="#n249_17">a very
serious compliment</ref> to me by name, particularly on 
my Pindaric accomplishments; and the very two odes you saw before, in which
we were abused, and a note to say they were written in concert with his friend
Mr. Colman; so little value have poets for themselves, especially when they
would make up a just volume. Mr. Delap is here, and has brought
<pb n="250" xml:id="p1-250"/>
his cub to Trinity. He has picked up again purely since his 
misfortune, and is fat and well, all but a few bowels. He says Mrs. Pritchard
spoilt his <emph>Hecuba</emph> with sobbing so much, and that she was really so 
moved that 
she fell in fits behind the scenes. I much like <anchor xml:id="an250_7"/><ref target="#n250_7">Dr. Lowth's Grammar</ref>; it is 
concise, clear, and elegant. He has selected his solecisms from all the best
writers of our tongue. I hear Mr. Hurd is seriously writing against Fingal, by
the instigation of the devil and <anchor xml:id="an250_11"/><ref target="#n250_11">the bishop</ref>. Can it be true? I have exhausted 
all my literary news, and I have no other. . . .  
</p><p rend="center">MASON'S ELEGY ON LADY COVENTRY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, December 21,
1762</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . We have received 
your poetical packet and delivered them to the several parties. The sentiments
we do not remark, as we can find nothing within ourselves congenial to them:
for the expression, we hint (but in a low, timid voice) that there is a want
of strength and spirit; in short, they are nothing like the choruses in
<emph>Elfrida</emph>, only the lines that relate to Lady C——'s beauty 
have made a deep impression upon us; we get them by heart and apply them to 
our
<pb n="251" xml:id="p1-251"/>
sempstresses and bedmakers. This is (I 
think) the sum and substance of our reflections here; only Mrs. Rutherford
observes that there is great delicacy and tenderness in the manner of treating
so frail a character as that of Lady C——, and that you have found 
a way to reconcile contempt and compassion: these might not be her words, but 
this was the sense of them; I don't believe she had it from the doctor. . . .  
</p><p rend="center">THE CHAPEL OF ST. SEPULCHRE, YORK</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To James Brown</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Aston, January 15, 1763.</ab>
<p>Dear Sir — I send you with this a drawing of the ruin you were so 
much pleased with when you saw it at York. I take it certainly to have been <anchor xml:id="an251_15"/><ref target="#n251_15">the chapel of 
St. Sepulchre</ref>, founded by <anchor xml:id="an251_16"/><ref target="#n251_16">Archbishop Roger</ref>, of which Dugdale has given us
the original <emph>charta fundationis;</emph> but, as this opinion seems to
contradict 
the opinion of Torre, and of Drake too, who follows him, it is necessary to
produce authentic authority in proof of my assertion. These two learned
antiquaries suppose that the chapel in question joined to the minster. Thus
Torre: "Roger (Archbishop) having built against the great church a
chapel."
<pb n="252" xml:id="p1-252"/>
And Drake: "Roger was buried in the 
cathedral, near the door of St. Sepulchre's chapel, which he himself had
founded." — Vide Drake's <emph>Ebor.</emph>, p. 478, p. 421. From these 
accounts we 
should be led to conclude that this chapel was as much and as close an
appendage to the minster as the chapter-house is; but the original records, on
which they found this opinion, may I think be construed very differently.
</p><p>Archbishop Roger himself, in his <emph>charta fundationis</emph>, describes 
its situation 
thus: — "capellam quam juxta majorem ecclesiam extruximus." "Juxta" is
surely "near" only, not "adjoining"; and this ruin is near enough. In the
extract of this archbishop's life, from an ancient MS. which Dugdale also
gives us, we find these words, "Condidit etiam Capellam Sancti Sepulchri ad
januam ipsius Palatii ex parte boreali juxta eccl'am S. Petri." The ruin in
question might very probably be connected with the palace gate by a cloister,
of which on one side there are a string of arches remaining; and on the
outside of the minster, over the little gate next the tomb, there are also
vestiges of the roof of a cloister, which I imagine went aside the palace
gateway, and connected the three buildings; vide plan. But between this little
gate and the palace gate (which still remains) it is very evident there
<pb n="253" xml:id="p1-253"/>
was no room for anything but a 
cloister, for I do not think they are twenty yards asunder.  
</p><p>The last and only 
further account I can find of the situation is from the same Life, where it is
said the canons of St. Peter, "graviter murmurabant super situ dictae
capellae eo quod nimis adhaesit matrici ecclesiae."  
</p><p>This I think need not be 
translated literally; the word "nimis" leads one to a metaphorical
sense. The priests of St. Sepulchre were too near neighbours to St. Peter's
canons, and were troublesome to them; accordingly we find the archbishop, to
quiet matters, ordered that the saint of his chapel should make them a
recompense, which is in this extract stated.  
</p><p>To these arguments I would add, 
that Archbishop Roger's donation was very great (as we find in Drake) to this
chapel; and from the number of persons maintained in its service, I question
not but there was a large convent built round it, of which there are plainly
the foundations still to be seen; and what puts the matter out of all doubt
that this building was separate and entire, though indeed near to the minster,
is the following fact, viz. that the tithes of the chapel and chapel itself
were sold to one Webster, anno 42 Elizabeth: "Capella vocat. St. Sepulcre's
Chapell prope Eccles. Cath. Ebor. cum
<pb n="254" xml:id="p1-254"/>
decimis 
ejusdem. W. Webster. Ap. 4, anno 4[2] Eliz." — Rolls. Chap. Thus you see
the "juxta" and "prope" are clearly on my side; the "nimis adhaesit" is
equivocal. I conclude with <anchor xml:id="an254_4"/><ref target="#n254_4">a
rude draught</ref> of the platform according to my 
idea, but without any mensuration, and merely to explain what has been said. I
am with the greatest respect and deference to your sagacity, yours,
&amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.
</p><p><emph>P. S.</emph> — I ought to mention to you, that in 
</p><ab rend="center"><graphic url="/images/diglib/primary/NoC_1911/0308ill0.gif"><desc>[Gray's drawing of the area]</desc></graphic></ab>
<pb n="255" xml:id="p1-255"/><ab type="implicit">
the transept (I think you call it) of the church, 
namely, at B, there is at the top over the large pillars, a range of stonework
like the windows in the ruin, viz. three pointed arches under a circular one,
but of a clumsy proportion. This part I think you said was the oldest in the
minster. <anchor xml:id="an255_7"/><ref target="#n255_7">Johnny Ludlam</ref>
found this out. Perhaps it contradicts all I have been 
saying, and proves the building much older than Archbishop Roger.  
</ab><p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, February 8,
1763</emph>]</p>
<p>I am obliged to you for your drawing, 
and very learned dissertation annexed. You have made out your point with a
great degree of probability (for though the "nimis adhaesit" might startle
one, yet the sale of the tithes and chapel to Webster seems to set all right
again), and I do believe the building in question was the chapel of
St. Sepulchre; but then that the ruin now standing was <anchor xml:id="an255_19"/><ref target="#n255_19">the individual chapel</ref>, 
as erected by Archbishop Roger, I can by no means think. I found myself merely
on the style and taste of architecture. The vaults under the choir are still
in being, and were undoubtedly built by this very archbishop. They are truly
Saxon, only that the arches are pointed, though very obtusely. It is <anchor xml:id="an255_25"/><ref target="#n255_25">the south
transept</ref> (not the north) that is the oldest part of the minster now above
ground.  It is said to have been begun
<pb n="256" xml:id="p1-256"/>
by Geoffrey Plantagenet, who died about thirty years after Roger, and left it
unfinished. His successor, Walter Grey, completed it; so we do not exactly
know to which of these two prelates we are to ascribe any certain part of
it. Grey lived a long time, and was archbishop from 1216 to 1255
(39<hi rend="sup">mo</hi> 
Hen. III.); and in this reign it was that the beauty of the Gothic
architecture began to appear. The <anchor xml:id="an256_9"/><ref target="#n256_9">chapter-house</ref> is in all probability his 
work, and (I should suppose) built in his latter days, whereas what he did of
the south transept might be performed soon after his accession. It is in the
second order of this building that the round arches appear, including a row of
pointed ones (which you mention, and which I also observed), similar to those
in St. Sepulchre's Chapel, though far inferior in the proportions and neatness
of workmanship. The same thing is repeated in the north transept, but this is
only an imitation of the other, done for the sake of regularity, for this part
of the building is no older than Archbishop Romaine, who came to the see in
1285, and died 1296.  
</p><p>All the buildings of Henry the Second's time (under whom 
Roger lived, and died, 1181) are of a clumsy and heavy proportion, with a few
rude and awkward ornaments; and this style continues to the beginning of
Henry the Third's reign, though with a little improvement, as in the nave
<pb n="257" xml:id="p1-257"/>
of Fountains Abbey, &amp;c. Then all at once come in the tall piqued arches, 
the light clustered columns, the capital of curling foliage, the fretted
tabernacles and vaultings, and a profusion of statues, &amp;c., that 
constitute the 
good Gothic style, together with decreasing and flying buttresses and
pinnacles on the outside. Nor must you conclude anything from <anchor xml:id="an257_8"/><ref target="#n257_8">Roger's own 
tomb</ref>, which has, I remember, a wide surbased arch with scalloped ornaments,
&amp;c.; for this can be no older than the nave itself, which was built by
Archbishop Melton after the year 1315, one hundred and thirty years after our
Roger's death. . . . 
</p><p rend="center">MASON, OSSIAN, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To James Brown, from Cambridge</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">February 17, 1763.</ab>
<p>You will make my best acknowledgments to <anchor xml:id="an257_17"/><ref target="#n257_17">Mr. Howe</ref>, who not 
content to rank me in the number of his friends, is so polite as to make
excuses for having done me that honour.  
</p><p>I <emph>was not born so</emph> far from the sun as 
to be ignorant of <anchor xml:id="an257_21"/><ref target="#n257_21">Count
Algarotti's</ref> name and reputation; nor am I so far 
advanced in years or in philosophy, as not to feel the warmth of his
approbation. The Odes in question, as their motto shews, were
<pb n="258" xml:id="p1-258"/>
meant to be <emph>vocal to the intelligent alone.</emph> How few <emph>they</emph>
were in my own country, Mr. Howe can testify; and yet my ambition was 
terminated by that 
small circle. I have good reason to be proud, if my voice has reached the ear
and apprehension of a stranger distinguished as one of the best judges in
Europe.  
</p><p>I am equally pleased with the just applause he bestows on Mr. Mason,
and particularly on his <emph>Caractacus</emph>, which is the work of a Man: 
whereas the <emph>Elfrida</emph> 
is only that of a boy, a promising boy indeed, and of no common genius: 
yet this is the popular performance with us, and the other little known in
comparison.  
</p><p>Neither Count Algarotti, nor Mr. Howe (I believe) have heard of
<emph>Ossian, the Son of Fingal.</emph> If Mr. Howe were not upon the wing, and 
on his way 
homewards, I would send it to him in Italy. He would there see, that
Imagination dwelt many hundred years ago in all her pomp on the cold arid
barren mountains of Scotland. The truth (I believe) is that without any
respect of climates she reigns in all the nascent societies of men, where the
necessities of life force every one to think and act much for himself. Adieu!
<pb n="259" xml:id="p1-259"/>
</p><ab rend="center">ÉMILE</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, August 5,
1763</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I 
doubt you have not read Rousseau's <anchor xml:id="an259_3"/><ref target="#n259_3"><emph>Émile</emph></ref>; everybody that has 
children, should 
read it more than once, for though it abounds with his usual glorious
absurdity, though his general scheme of education be an impracticable chimera; 
yet there are a thousand lights struck out, a thousand important truths
better expressed than ever they were before, that may be of service to the
wisest man. Particularly I think he has observed children with more attention
and knows their meaning and the working of their little passions better than
any other writer. As to his religious discussions, which have alarmed the
world, and engaged their thoughts more than any other part of his book, I set
them all at nought, and wish they had been omitted. . . .  
</p><p rend="center">THE ARTS IN ENGLAND AND ITALY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Count Algarotti</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Cambridge, September 9, 1763.</ab>
<p>Sir — I 
received some time since the unexpected honour of a Letter from you, and the
<pb n="260" xml:id="p1-260"/>
promise of a pleasure, which, till of late
I had not the opportunity of enjoying. Forgive me if I make my acknowledgments
in my native tongue, as I see it is perfectly familiar to you, and I (though
not unacquainted with the writings of Italy) should from disuse speak its
language with an ill grace, and with still more constraint to one, who
possesses it in all its strength and purity.
</p><p>I see with great satisfaction your
efforts to re-unite the congenial arts of poetry, music, and the dance, which
with the assistance of painting and architecture, regulated by taste, and
supported by magnificence and power, might form the noblest scene, and bestow
the sublimest pleasure, that the imagination can conceive. But who shall
realise these delightful visions? There is, I own, <anchor xml:id="an260_18"/><ref target="#n260_18">one Prince in Europe</ref>, that 
wants neither the will, the spirit, nor the ability: but can he call up Milton
from his grave, can he re-animate Marcello, or bid the Barberina or the
Sallé move again? Can he (as much a king as he is) govern an Italian
<emph>Virtuosa</emph>, destroy her caprice and impertinence, without hurting her 
talents, or command those unmeaning graces and tricks of voice to be silent, 
that have gained her the adoration of her own country?  
</p><p>One cause, that so long has hindered, and (I 
<pb n="261" xml:id="p1-261"/>
fear) will hinder that happy union, which you
propose, seems to be this: that poetry (which, as you allow, must lead the
way, and direct the operation of the subordinate arts) implies at least a
liberal education, a degree of literature, and various knowledge, whereas the
others (with a few exceptions) are in the hands of slaves and mercenaries, I
mean, of people without education, who, though neither destitute of genius,
nor insensible to fame, must yet make gain their principal end, and subject
themselves to the prevailing taste of those, whose fortune only distinguishes
them from the multitude.  
</p><p>I cannot help telling you, that eight or ten years
ago, I was a witness to the power of your comic music. — There was a 
little troop of Buffi, that exhibited a Burletta in London, not in the Opera 
House, where the audience is chiefly of the better sort, but on one of the 
common Theatres full of all kinds of people and (I believe) the fuller from 
that natural aversion we bear to foreigners: their looks and their noise made 
it evident, they did not come thither to hear; and on similar occasions I have
known candles lighted, broken bottles, and pen knives flung on the stage, the
benches torn up, the scenes hurried into the street and set on fire. The
curtain drew up, the music was of <anchor xml:id="an261_28"/><ref target="#n261_28">Cocchi</ref>, with a few 
<pb n="262" xml:id="p1-262"/>
airs of Pergolesi interspersed. The singers were (as usual) deplorable,
but there was one girl (she called herself the Niccolina) with little voice
and less beauty; but with the utmost justness of ear, the strongest
expression of countenance, the most speaking eyes, the greatest vivacity and
variety of gesture. Her first appearance instantly fixed their attention; the
tumult sunk at once, or if any murmur rose, it was hushed by a general cry for
silence. Her first air ravished everybody; they forgot their prejudices, they
forgot, that they did not understand a word of the language; they entered into
all the humour of the part, made her repeat all her songs, and continued their
transports, their laughter, and applause to the end of the piece. Within these
three last years the Paganini and Amici have met with almost the same applause
once a week from a politer audience on the Opera stage. The truth is, the
Opera itself, though supported there at a great expence for so many years, has
rather maintained itself by the admiration bestowed on a few particular
voices, or the borrowed taste of a few men of condition, that have learned in
Italy how to admire, than by any genuine love we bear to the best Italian
music: nor have we yet got any style of our own, and this I attribute in
great measure to the language, which in spite of its energy, 
<pb n="263" xml:id="p1-263"/>
plenty, and the crowd of excellent writers this nation has
produced, does yet (I am sorry to say it) retain too much of its barbarous
original to adapt itself to musical composition. I by no means wish to have
been born anything but an Englishman; yet I should rejoice to exchange tongues
with Italy.  
</p><p>Why this nation has made no advances hitherto in painting and
sculpture is hard to say. The fact is undeniable, and we have the vanity to
apologise for ourselves, as Virgil did for the Romans, <emph>Excudent alii</emph>,
&amp;c. It is sure, that architecture had introduced itself in the reign of the
unfortunate Charles I. and <anchor xml:id="an263_14"/><ref target="#n263_14">Inigo Jones</ref> has left us some few monuments of
his 
skill, that shew him capable of greater things. Charles had not only a love
for the beautiful arts, but some taste in them. The confusion that soon
followed, swept away his magnificent collection; the artists were dispersed,
or ruined, and the arts disregarded till very lately. The young monarch now on
the throne is said to esteem and understand them. I wish he may have the
leisure to cultivate and the skill to encourage them with due regard to merit,
otherwise it is better to neglect them. You, Sir, have pointed out the true
sources, and the best examples to your countrymen. They have nothing to do,
but to be what they once were;
<pb n="264" xml:id="p1-264"/>
and yet
perhaps it is more difficult to restore good taste to a nation, that has
degenerated, than to introduce it in one, where as yet it has never
flourished. You are generous enough to wish, and sanguine enough to foresee,
that it shall one day flourish in England. I too must wish, but can hardly
extend my hopes so far. It is well for us that you do not see our public
exhibitions. — But our artists are yet in their infancy, and therefore I
will not absolutely despair.  
</p><p>I owe to Mr. How the honour I have of conversing
with Count Algarotti, and it seems as if I meant to indulge myself in the
opportunity: but I have done. Sir, I will only add, that I am proud of your
approbation, having no relish for any other fame than what is conferred by the
few real judges, that are so thinly scattered over the face of the earth. I
am, Sir, with great respect, your most obliged humble Servant, 
</p><ab rend="right">T. Gray.</ab><ab type="implicit">
A. S. E. Il Conte Fransisco Algarotti,<lb/> 
Ciambellan di S. M. il Ré di Prussia, &amp;c. &amp;c.<lb/> 
Italia, Bolognia.
</ab><p rend="center">[<emph>To William Taylor Howe</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Cambridge, September 10, 1763.</ab>
<p>Sir — I ought long since to have made you my acknowledgments for the
obliging testimonies
<pb n="265" xml:id="p1-265"/>
of your esteem that you have
conferred upon me; but <anchor xml:id="an265_2"/><ref target="#n265_2">Count
Algarotti's books</ref> did not come to my hands till 
the end of July, and since that time I have been prevented by illness from
doing any of my duties. I have read them more than once with increasing
satisfaction, and should wish mankind had eyes to descry the genuine sources
of their own pleasures, and judgment to know the extent, that nature has
prescribed to them: if this were the case, it would be their interest to
appoint Count Algarotti their "Arbiter Elegantiarum." He is highly civil to
our nation, but there is one little point, in which he does not do us
justice. I am the more solicitous about it, because it relates to the only
taste we can call our own, the only proof of our original talent in matter of
pleasure; I mean, our skill in gardening, and laying out grounds. That the
Chinese have this beautiful art in high perfection, seems very probable from
<anchor xml:id="an265_21"/><ref target="#n265_21">the <emph>Jesuits'
Letters</emph></ref>, and more from <anchor xml:id="an265_22"/><ref target="#n265_22">Chambers's little discourse</ref> published some 
few years ago. But it is very certain, we copied nothing from them, nor had
anything but nature our model. It is not forty years, since the art was born
among us; and it is sure, that there was nothing in Europe like it, and as
sure, we then had no information on this head from China at all.
<pb n="266" xml:id="p1-266"/>
I shall rejoice to see you in England, and talk over these
and many other matters with you at leisure. Do not despair of your health,
because you have not found all the effects you had promised yourself from a
finer climate. I have known people, who have experienced the same thing, and
yet at their return have lost all their complaints as by miracle. — I 
am, S<hi rend="sup">r</hi>, your obliged humble Servant, 
</p><ab rend="right">T. Gray.</ab>  
<p><emph>P. S.</emph> — I have answered
C. Algarotti, whose letter I conveyed to Mr. Mason, whether he has received
his books, I have not yet heard. Mr. Brown charges me with his best
compliments.  
</p><p rend="center">ALGAROTTI, PERGOLESI, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, 1763</emph>]</p>
<p>Dear Mason — As I have no more received my little thing than you have
yours, though they were sent by the <emph>Beverley</emph>, Captain Allen, I have 
returned no answer yet; but I must soon, and that in plain English, and so 
should you too. In the meantime I borrowed and read them. That on the Opera is 
a good clever dissertation, dedicated to Guglielmo Pitt; the other (<emph>Il
Congresso di Citera</emph>), in poetical prose, describes the negociation 
<pb n="267" xml:id="p1-267"/>
of three ambassadresses sent by England, France, and Italy to the Court of 
Cupid, 
to lay before him the state of his empire in the three nations; and is not
contemptible neither in its kind; so pray be civil to the count and Signor
Howe. . . .  
</p><p>I like <anchor xml:id="an267_7"/><ref target="#n267_7">your Sonnet</ref>
better than most dedications; it is simple 
and natural. The best line in it is: —<quote>
"So, to deceive my solitary days," &amp;c.</quote>
There are an expression or two that <emph>break the repose of</emph> it by looking
common and overworn: "sequestered shade," "woodbine sprays," "selected lays"; 
I dare not mention "lettered ease." "Life's vain vision" does not
pronounce well. Bating these, it looks in earnest, and as if you could live at
Aston, which is not true; but that is not my affair.  
</p><p>I have got <anchor xml:id="an267_19"/><ref target="#n267_19">a mass of
Pergolesi</ref>, which is all divinity; but it was lent me, or you should have
it by all means. Send for six lessons for the pianoforte or harpsichord of
Carlo Bach, not the Opera Bach, but his brother. To my fancy they are
charming, and 
in the best Italian style. Mr. Neville and the old musicians here do not like
them, but to me they speak not only music, but passion. I cannot play them,
though they are not hard; yet I make a smattering that serves "to deceive
<pb n="268" xml:id="p1-268"/>
my solitary days"; and I figure to myself that I hear you touch them 
triumphantly. . . .
</p><p rend="center">[<emph>To William Taylor Howe, from London, November,
1763</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I saw and read the beginning of this year, the
<emph>Congresso di Citéra</emph>, and was excessively pleased in spite of 
prejudice, for I
am naturally no friend to allegory, nor to poetical prose. Entre nous, what
gives me the least pleasure of any of his writings, that I have seen, is the
<emph>Newtoniasm</emph>. It is so direct an imitation of Fontenelle, a writer not easy to
imitate, and least of all in the Italian tongue, whose character and graces
are of a higher style, and never adapt themselves easily to the elegant
<emph>badinage</emph> and <emph>légèreté</emph> of conversation, 
that sets so well on the French. But this is a secret between us.  
</p><p>I am glad to hear, he thinks of revisiting
England; though I am a little ashamed of my country at this present. Our late
acquired glory does not set becomingly upon us; and even the Author of it,
that <emph>Restitutor d'Inghilterra</emph>, is doing God knows what! If he should 
deign to follow the track of vulgar Ministers, and regain his power by ways 
injurious to his fame, whom can we trust hereafter? M. de Nivernois on his 
return to France says (I hear) of England, "Quel Roy, quel Peuple, quelle 
Societé!" And so say I. . . .
<pb n="269" xml:id="p1-269"/>
</p><ab rend="center">VOLTAIRE, ROUSSEAU, ETC.</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Thomas Wharton, from Cambridge, July 10,
1764</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . Two more volumes of
Buffon are come over: I mention them in case you choose to have them. I know
of nothing else, except half a dozen new works of that inexhaustible, eternal,
entertaining scribbler Voltaire, who at last (I fear) will go to heaven, for
to him entirely it is owing, that the king of France and his council have
review'd and set aside the decision of the parliament of Thoulouse in the
affair of Calas. The poor man, 'tis true, has been broke on the wheel long
ago; but his widow and wretched family may have some reparation, and his
murtherers may smart a little for it. You see a scribbler may be of some use
in the world! . . .  
</p><p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, November,
1764</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I
read and liked <anchor xml:id="an269_17"/><ref target="#n269_17">the
Epigram</ref> as it was printed, and do insist it is better 
without the last lines, not that the thought is amiss, but because the same
rhyme is repeated, and the sting is not in the epigrammatic style; I mean, not
easy and familiar. In a satire it might do very well. <anchor xml:id="an269_23"/><ref target="#n269_23">Mr. Churchill</ref> is dead 
indeed, drowned in a butt of claret, which was tapped on the meeting of the
<pb n="270" xml:id="p1-270"/>
Friends at Boulogne. He made an excellent end, as his
executor Humphrey Cotes testifies. I did not write any of the elegies, being
busy in writing the <emph>Temple of Tragedy</emph>. Send for it forthwith, for 
you are 
highly interested in it. If I had not owned the thing, perhaps you might have
gone and taken it for the Reverend <anchor xml:id="an270_7"/><ref target="#n270_7">Mr. Langhorne's</ref>. It is divine. I have not 
read the <emph>Philosophic Dictionary</emph>. I can stay with great patience for 
anything that <anchor xml:id="an270_10"/><ref target="#n270_10">comes from
Voltaire</ref>. They tell me it is frippery, and blasphemy, and 
wit. I could have forgiven myself if I had not read Rousseau's
<emph>Letters</emph>. Always 
excepting the <emph>Contract Social</emph>, it is the dullest performance he ever
published. It is a weak attempt to separate the miracles from the morality of
the Gospel. The latter he would have you think he believes was sent from God,
and the former he very explicitly takes for an imposture. This is in order to
prove the cruelty and injustice of the State of Geneva in burning his
<emph>Émile</emph>. The latter part of his book is to shew the abuses that 
have crept 
into the constitution of his country, which point (if you are concerned about
it) he makes out very well, and his intention in this is plainly to raise a
tumult in the city, and to be revenged on the <emph>Petit Conseil</emph>, who 
condemned his 
writings to the flames. . . .
<pb n="271" xml:id="p1-271"/>
</p><ab rend="center">THE CASTLE OF OTRANTO, ROUSSEAU, ETC.</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole, from Cambridge</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Sunday, December 30, 1764.</ab>
<p>I have received the <emph>Castle of Otranto</emph>, and return you my thanks for
it. It engages our attention here, makes some of us cry a little, and all in
general afraid to go to bed o' nights. We take it for a translation, and
should believe it to be a true story, if it were not for St. Nicholas.  
</p><p>When 
your pen was in your hand you might have been a little more communicative, for
though disposed enough to believe the opposition rather consumptive, I am
entirely ignorant of all the symptoms. Your canonical book I have been reading
with great satisfaction. He speaketh as one having authority. If Englishmen
have any feeling left, methinks they must feel now; and if the Ministry have
any feeling (whom nobody will suspect of insensibility) they must cut off the
author's ears, for it is in all the forms a most wicked libel. Is the old man
and the lawyer put on, or is it real? or has some real lawyer furnished a
good part of the materials, and another person employed them? This I guess;
for there is an uncouthness of diction in
<pb n="272" xml:id="p1-272"/>
the beginning which is not supported throughout, though it now and then occurs
again, as if the writer was weary of supporting the character he had assumed,
when the subject had warmed him, beyond dissimulation.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="an272_6"/><ref target="#n272_6">Rousseau's
<emph>Letters</emph></ref> I 
am reading heavily, heavily! He justifies himself, till he convinces me that
he deserved to be burnt, at least that his book did. I am not got through him,
and you never will. Voltaire I detest, and have not seen his book: I shall in
good time. You surprise me, when you talk of going in February. Pray, does all
the minority go too? I hope you have a reason. <emph>Desperare de republica</emph>
is a deadly sin in politics. . . .
</p><p rend="center">AN ITINERARY OF FRANCE AND ITALY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Palgrave, probably from Cambridge</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">March, 1765.</ab>
<p>My instructions, of which you 
are so desirous, are twofold: the first part relates to what is past, and
that will be rather diffuse: the second, to what is to come; and that we shall
treat more succinctly, and with all due brevity.  
</p><p>First, when you come to 
Paris you will not fail to visit the cloister of the Chartreuse, where Le
<pb n="273" xml:id="p1-273"/>
Sueur (in the history of St. Bruno) has 
almost equalled Raphael. Then your Gothic inclinations will naturally lead you
to the Sainte Chapelle built by St. Louis: in the treasury is preserved one of
the noblest gems of the Augustan age. When you take a trip into the country,
there is a fine old chapel at Vincennes with admirable painted windows; and at
Fontainbleau, the remains of Francis the First's magnificence might give you
some pleasure. In your way to Lyons you will take notice of the view over the
Saone, from about Tournus and Macon. Fail not to walk a few miles along the
banks of the Rhone, down the river. I would certainly make a little journey to
the Grande Chartreuse, up the mountains: at your return out of Italy this will
have little effect. At Turin you will visit the Capuchins' convent just
without the city, and the Superga at no great distance, for the sake of the
views. At Genoa observe the Terreno of the Palace Brignoli, as a model of an
apartment elegantly disposed in a hot climate. At Parma you will adore the
great Madonna and St. Jerome, once at St. Antonio Abbate, but now (I am told)
in the Ducal Palace. In the Madonna della Steccata observe the Moses breaking
the tables, a chiaroscuro figure of the Parmeggiano at too great a height, and
ill-lighted, 
<pb n="274" xml:id="p1-274"/>
but immense. At the Capuchins, 
the great Pietá of Annib. Carracci; in the Villa Ducale, the room 
painted by 
Carlo Cignani; and the last works of Agostino Caracci <anchor xml:id="an274_5"/><ref target="#n274_5">at Modena</ref>. I know not 
what remains now, the flower of the collection is gone to Dresden. Bologna is
too vast a subject for me to treat: the palaces and churches are open; you
have nothing to do but to see them all. In coming down the Appennine you will
see (if the sun shines) all Tuscany before you. And so I have brought you to
Florence, where to be sure there is nothing worth seeing.  Secondly,<list type="ordered"> 
<item>Vide, quodcunque videndum est.
</item><item>Quodcunque ego non vidi, id tu vide.
</item><item>Quodcunque videris, scribe &amp; describe; memoria ne fide.
</item><item>Scribendo nil admirare; &amp; cum pictor non sis, verbis omnia depinge.
</item><item>Tritam viatorum compitam calca, &amp; cum poteris, desere.
</item><item>Eme, quodcunque emendum est; I do not mean pictures, medals, gems, 
drawings, &amp;c., only; but clothes, stockings, shoes, handkerchiefs, little 
moveables; everything you may want all your life long: but have a care of the 
custom house.</item></list>
Pray, present my most respectful compliments
<pb n="275" xml:id="p1-275"/>
to Mr. Weddell. I conclude when the winter is 
over, and you have seen Rome and Naples, you will strike out of the beaten
path of English travellers, and see a little of the country, throw yourselves
into the bosom of the Appennine, survey the horrid lake of Amsanctus (look in
Cluver's Italy), catch the breezes on the coast of Taranto and Salerno,
expatiate to the very toe of the continent, perhaps strike over the Faro of
Messina, and having measured the gigantic columns of Girgenti, and the
tremendous caverns of Syracusa, refresh yourselves amidst the fragrant vale of
Enna. Oh! che bel riposo! Addio.  
</p><p rend="center">A SONNET BY MASON</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason, from Cambridge, in the spring of
1765</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I hope in God <anchor xml:id="an275_15"/><ref target="#n275_15">the
dedicatorial sonnet</ref> 
has not staid for me. I object nothing to the second line, but like it the
better for Milton, and with him too I would read <emph>in penult</emph>, (give me a
shilling) <anchor xml:id="an275_19"/><ref target="#n275_19">"his ghastly
smile,"</ref> &amp;c. But if you won't put it in, then read 
"wonted smile," and a little before "secure from envy." I see nothing to
alter. What I said was the best line is the best line still. Do come hither,
and I will read and criticise "your amorous ditties all a winter's day." . . .
<pb n="276" xml:id="p1-276"/>
</p><ab rend="center">BENTHAM'S GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To James Bentham, from Cambridge</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">About the year 1765.</ab>
<p>To the Rev. <anchor xml:id="an276_3"/><ref target="#n276_3">Mr. Bentham</ref> — Mr. Gray returns the papers 
and prints to Mr. Bentham, with many thanks for the sight of them.  
</p><p>Concludes he has laid aside his intention of publishing 
the first four sections of his Introduction, that contain the settlement and
progress of Christianity among the Saxons; as (however curious and instructive
of themselves) they certainly have too slight a connection with the subject in
hand to make a part of the present work.  
</p><p>Has received much entertainment and 
information from his remarks on the state of Architecture among the Saxons,
and thinks he has proved his point against the authority of Stow and
Somner. The words of Eddius, Richard of Hexham, &amp;c., must be everywhere 
cited 
in the original tongue, as the most accurate translation is in these cases not
to be trusted; this Mr. B. has indeed commonly done in the MSS., but not
everywhere.  
</p><p>P. 31. He says, the instances Sir C. Wren brings, were, <emph>some of
them at least</emph>, undoubtedly
<pb n="277" xml:id="p1-277"/>
erected after the Conquest. Sure they were all so without exception.  
</p><p>There is much probability in what he asserts with respect to the <emph>New
Norman Mode</emph> of building; though this is not, nor perhaps can be, made out 
with so much precision as the former point.  
</p><p>P. 35. Here, where the Author is giving a compendious view 
of the peculiarities that distinguish the Saxon style, it might be mentioned,
that they had no tabernacles (or niches and canopies), nor any statues to
adorn their buildings on the outside, which are the principal grace of what is
called Gothic; the only exception that I can recollect, is a little figure of
Bishop Herebert Losing over the north transept door at Norwich, which appears
to be of that time: but this is rather a mezzo-relievo than a statue, and it
is well known that they used reliefs sometimes with profusion, as in the Saxon
gateway of the Abbey at Bury, the gate of the Temple Church at London, and the
two gates at Ely, &amp;c.  
</p><p>The want of pinnacles and of tracery in the vaults, are
afterwards mentioned, but may as well be placed here too (in short) among the
other characteristics.  
</p><p>Escutcheons of arms are hardly (if ever) seen
<pb n="278" xml:id="p1-278"/>
in these fabrics, which are the most frequent of all decorations in 
after-times.
</p><p>P. 34. Besides the chevron-work (or zig-zag moulding), so common, which is 
here mentioned, there is also, 
</p><p>The <emph>Billeted-moulding</emph>, as if a cylinder should be cut into small 
pieces of equal length, and these stuck on alternately round the face of the 
arches, as in the choir at Peterborough, and at St. Cross, &amp;c.  
</p><p>The <emph>Nail-head</emph>, resembling the heads of great nails driven in at 
regular distances, as in the nave of old St. Paul's, and the great tower of 
Hereford, &amp;c.  
</p><p>The <emph>Nebule</emph>, a projection terminated by an undulating line as under 
the upper range of windows, on the outside of Peterborough.  
</p><p>Then to adorn their vast massive columns there was the
<emph>spiral-grove</emph> winding round the shafts, and the <emph>net</emph>, or
<emph>lozenge-work</emph>, overspreading them, both of which appear at Durham, and 
the first in the undercroft at Canterbury.  
</p><p>These few things are mentioned only, because Mr. Bentham's work is so 
nearly complete in this part, that one would wish it were quite so. His own 
observation may doubtless suggest to him many more peculiarities, which, 
however minute in appearance, are not contemptible, because
<pb n="279" xml:id="p1-279"/>
they directly belong to his subject, and contribute to ascertain the age of 
an edifice at first sight. The great deficiency is from Henry VIth's time to 
the Reformation, when the art was indeed at its height.
</p><p>P. 36. At York, under the choir, remains much of the old work, built
by Archbishop Roger, of Bishop's-bridge, in Henry IId's reign; the arches are
but just pointed, and rise on short round pillars, whose capitals are adorned
with animals and foliage.  
</p><p>P. 37. Possibly the pointed arch might take its rise from those arcades we 
see in the early Norman (or Saxon) buildings on walls, where the wide 
semi-circular arches cross and intersect each other, and form thereby at their 
intersection exactly a narrow and sharp-pointed arch. In the wall south of the 
choir at St. Cross, is a facing of such wide, round, interlaced arches by way 
of ornament to a flat vacant space; only so much of it as lies between the 
legs of the two neighbouring arches, where they cross each other, is pierced 
through the fabric, and forms a little range of long pointed windows. It is of 
King Stephen's time.  
</p><p>P. 43. As Mr. B. has thought it proper to make a compliment to the 
<emph>present set of governors</emph> in their respective churches, it were to be 
wished
<pb n="280" xml:id="p1-280"/>
he would insert a little reflection on the rage of repairing, beautifying,
whitewashing, painting, and gilding, and above all, the mixture of Greek (or
Roman) ornaments in Gothic edifices. This well-meant fury has been, and will
be little less fatal to our ancient magnificent edifices, than the Reformation
and the civil wars.  
</p><p>Mr. G. would wish to be told (at Mr. Bentham's leisure) 
whether over the great pointed arches, on which the western tower at Ely
rises, anything like a semicircular curve appears in the stone work? And
whether the screen (or rood-loft) with some part of the south-cross, may not
possibly be a part of the more ancient church built by Abbot Simeon and
Fitz-Gilbert.  
</p><p rend="center">AN EPITAPH BY MASON</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Mason</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Old Park, Sunday, July 19, 1767.</ab>
<p>Dear Mason — I come forthwith to <anchor xml:id="an280_19"/><ref target="#n280_19">the epitaph</ref> which you have had 
the charity to write at the Archbishop's request. It will certainly do (for it
is both touching and new), but yet will require much finishing. I like not the
first three lines: it is the party most nearly concerned, at least some one
closely connected, and bearing a 
<pb n="281" xml:id="p1-281"/>
part of the loss, that is usually
supposed to speak on these occasions, but these lines appear to be written by
the chaplain, and have an air of flattery to his patron. All that is good in
them is better expressed in the four last verses: "where the cold ashes,"
&amp;c. These five verses are well, except the word "benignant," and the
thought (which is not clear to me, besides that it is somewhat <emph>hardly</emph>
expressed) of "when beauty only blooms," &amp;c. In gems that want colour and
perfection, a <emph>foil</emph> is put under them to add to their lustre. In
others, as in diamonds, the foil is black; and in this sense, when a pretty
woman chooses to appear in public with a homely one, we say she uses her 
<emph>as a foil</emph>. This puzzles me, as you
neither mean that beauty sets off virtue by its contrast and opposition to it,
nor that her virtue was so imperfect as to stand in need of beauty to heighten
its lustre. For the rest I read, "that sweetest harmony of soul," &amp;c.;
"such was the maid," &amp;c. All this to the end I much approve, except
"crowned with 
truth," and "lightens all their load." The first is not precise; in the
latter you say too much. "Spreads his child," too, is not the word. When you
have corrected all these faults it will be excellent.
<pb n="282" xml:id="p1-282"/>
</p><ab rend="center">[<emph>From Old Park, August 9, 1767</emph>]</ab>
<p>. . . I exceedingly approve the epitaph in its
present shape. Even what I best liked before is altered for the better. The
various readings I do not mind, only, perhaps, I should read the 2d line: 
<quote><lg><l>"Grace that with tenderness and sense combined,</l><l>To form,"
&amp;c.</l></lg></quote> 
for I hate "sentiment" in verse. I will say nothing to "taste" and "truth," 
for perhaps the Archbishop may fancy they are fine things; but, to my palate, 
they are wormwood. All the rest is just as it should be, and what he ought to
admire. . . .  
</p><p rend="center">BEATTIE, FERGUSON'S ESSAY</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To James Beattie</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Old Park, near Darlington, Durham, August 12, 1767.</ab>
<p>I received from Mr. Williamson, that
very obliging mark you were pleased to give me of your remembrance. Had I not
entertained some slight hopes of revisiting Scotland this summer, and
consequently of seeing you at Aberdeen, I had sooner acknowledged, by letter,
the favour you have done me. Those hopes are now at an end; but I do not
therefore despair of seeing again a country that has given me so much
pleasure; 
<pb n="283" xml:id="p1-283"/>
nor of telling you, in person, how much I
esteem you and (as you choose to call them) your amusements: the specimen of
them, which you were so good as to send me, I think excellent; the sentiments
are such as a melancholy imagination naturally suggests in solitude and
silence, and that (though light and business may suspend or banish them at
times) return with but so much the greater force upon a feeling heart: the
diction is elegant and unconstrained; not loaded with epithets and figures,
nor flagging into prose; the versification is easy and harmonious. <anchor xml:id="an283_13"/><ref target="#n283_13">My only objection is . . .</ref>
</p><p>You see, Sir, I take the liberty you indulged me in when I
first saw you; and therefore I make no excuses for it, but desire you would
take your revenge on me in kind.  
</p><p>I have read over (but too hastily)
<anchor xml:id="an283_19"/><ref target="#n283_19">Mr. Ferguson's</ref>
book. There are uncommon strains of eloquence in it: and I was 
surprised to find not one single idiom of his country (I think) in the whole
work. He has not <anchor xml:id="an283_22"/><ref target="#n283_22">the fault
you mention</ref>. His application to the heart is 
frequent, and often successful. His love of Montesquieu and Tacitus has led
him into a manner of writing too short-winded and sententious; which those
great men, had they lived in better times and under a better government, would
have avoided.
<pb n="284" xml:id="p1-284"/>
</p><ab rend="center">AN ODE BY BEATTIE</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To James Beattie, from Cambridge, December 24,
1767</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I have read, with much
pleasure, an Ode of yours (in which you have done me the honour to adopt a
measure that I have used) on Lord Hay's birth-day. Though I do not love
panegyric, I cannot but applaud this, for there is nothing mean in it. The
diction is easy and noble, the texture of the thoughts lyric, and the
versification harmonious. The few expressions I object to are . . . These,
indeed, are minutiae; but they weigh for something, as half a grain makes a
difference in the value of a diamond.  
</p><p rend="center">ALGAROTTI'S WORKS</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To William Taylor Howe</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Cambridge, Pembroke College, January 12, 1768.</ab>
<p>Sir — You perceive by 
Mr. Brown's letter, that I passed all the summer in the North of England, went
from thence to London, and did not arrive here till the middle of December,
where I found your parcel. Since that time I have been generally confined to
my room, and
<pb n="285" xml:id="p1-285"/>
besides I was willing to go through the eight 
volumes, before I returned you an answer. This must be my excuse to you, for
only doing now, what in mere civility I ought to have done long ago. First I
must condole with you, that so neat an edition should swarm in almost every
page with errors of the press, not only in notes and citations from Greek,
French, and English authors, but in the Italian text itself, greatly to the
disreputation of the Leghorn publishers. This is the only reason (I think),
that could make an edition in England necessary. But I doubt you would not
find the matter much mended here; our presses, as they improve in beauty,
declining daily in accuracy; besides you would find the expense very
considerable, and the sale in no proportion to it, as in reality, it is but
few people in England, that read currently and with pleasure the Italian
tongue; and the fine old editions of their capital writers are sold in London
for a lower price, than they bear in Italy. An English translation I can by no
means advise. The justness of thought and good sense might remain; but the
graces of elocution (which make a great part of Algarotti's merit) would be
entirely lost, and that merely from the very different genius and complexion
of the two languages.  
</p><p>I rather think these volumes should be handsomely
<pb n="286" xml:id="p1-286"/>
bound, before they are put into the library: they
bind very neatly here; and if you approve it, Mr. Brown will order it to be
done. Doubtless there can be no impropriety in making the same present to the
University, nor need you at all to fear for the reputation of your friend: he
has merit enough to recommend him in any country, a tincture of various sorts
of knowledge; an acquaintance with all the beautiful arts; an easy command, a
precision, warmth, and richness of expression, and a judgment, that is rarely
mistaken, on any subject to which he applies it. Of the dialogues I have
formerly told you my thoughts. The essays and letters (many of them entirely
new to me) <emph>on the arts</emph>, are curious and entertaining; those on other
subjects 
(even where the thoughts are not new to me, but borrowed from his various
reading and conversation) often better put, and better expressed than in the
originals. I rejoice, when I see Machiavel defended or illustrated, who to me
appears one of the wisest men that any nation in any age has produced. Most of
the other discourses military or political are well worth reading, though that
on Kouli-Khan was a mere jeu-d'esprit, a sort of historical exercise. The
letters from Russia I have read before with pleasure, particularly the
narrative of Munich's and Lascy's campaigns.  The detached
<pb n="287" xml:id="p1-287"/>
thoughts are often new and just; but there should have been
a revisal of them, as they are often to be found in his letters repeated in
the very same words. Some too of the familiar letters might have been
spared. The <emph>Congress of Cythera</emph> I had seen, and liked before, the
<emph>Giudicio d' Amore</emph> is an addition rather inferior to it. The verses 
are not equal to the prose, but they are above mediocrity. . . .  
</p><p rend="center">WALPOLE'S HISTORIC DOUBTS</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Horace Walpole</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Pembroke College, February 14, 1768.</ab>
<p>I received <anchor xml:id="an287_12"/><ref target="#n287_12">the book</ref>
you 
were so good to send me, and have read it again (indeed I could hardly be said
to have read it before) with attention and with pleasure. Your second edition
is so rapid in its progress, that it will now hardly answer any purpose to
tell you either my own objections, or those of other people. Certain it is,
that you are universally read here; but what <emph>we</emph> think is not so easy
to come 
at. We stay as usual to see the success, to learn the judgment of the town, to
be directed in our opinions by those of more competent judges. If they like
you, we shall; if any one of name write against you, we give you
<pb n="288" xml:id="p1-288"/>
up; for we are modest and diffident of
ourselves, and not without reason. History in particular is not our
<emph>forte;</emph> for 
(the truth is) we read only modern books and pamphlets of the day. I have
heard it objected, that you raise doubts and difficulties, and do not satisfy
them by telling us what is really the case. I have heard you charged with
disrespect to the King of Prussia; and above all to King William, and the
Revolution. These are seriously the most sensible things I have heard said,
and all that I recollect. If you please to justify yourself, you may.  
</p><p>My own 
objections are little more essential: they relate chiefly to inaccuracies of
style, which either debase the expression or obscure the meaning. I could
point out several small particulars of this kind, and will do so, if you think
it can serve any purpose after publication. When I hear you read, they often
escape me, partly because I am attending to the subject, and partly because
from habit I understand you where a stranger might often be at a loss.  
</p><p>As to 
your arguments, most of the principal parts are made out with a clearness and
evidence that no one would expect, where materials are so scarce. Yet I still
suspect Richard of the murder of Henry VI. The chronicler of Croyland charges
it full on him, though without a name or any
<pb n="289" xml:id="p1-289"/>
mention of circumstances. The interests of Edward were the interests of
Richard too, though the throne were not then in view; and that Henry still
stood in their way, they might well imagine, because, though deposed and
imprisoned once before, he had regained his liberty and his crown; and was
still adored by the people. I should think, from the word <emph>tyranni</emph>,
the passage 
was written after Richard had assumed the crown: but, if it was earlier, does
not the bare imputation imply very early suspicions, at least of Richard's
bloody nature, especially in the mouth of a person that was no enemy to the
House of York, nor friend to that of Beaufort?  
</p><p>That the Duchess of Burgundy, 
to try the temper of the nation, should set up a false Pretender to the Throne
(when she had the true Duke of York in her hands), and that the queen-mother
(knowing her son was alive) should countenance that design, is a piece of
policy utterly incomprehensible; being the most likely means to ruin their
own scheme, and throw a just suspicion of fraud and falsehood on the cause of
truth, which Henry could not fail to seize and turn to his
advantage. Mr. Hume's first query,as far as relates to the queen-mother, will
still have some weight. Is it probable she should give her eldest daughter to
Henry, and invite him to claim the crown,
<pb n="290" xml:id="p1-290"/>
unless she had been sure that her sons were then dead? As to her seeming
consent to the match between Elizabeth and Richard, she and her daughters were
in his power, which appeared now well fixed; his enemies' designs within the
kingdom being everywhere defeated, and Henry unable to raise any considerable
force abroad. She was timorous and hopeless; or she might dissemble, in order
to cover her secret dealings with Richmond: and if this were the case, she
hazarded little, supposing Richard to dissemble too, and never to have thought
seriously of marrying his niece.  
</p><p>Another unaccountable thing is, that 
Richard, a prince of the House of York, undoubtedly brave, clear-sighted,
artful, attentive to business; of boundless generosity, as appears from his
grants; just and merciful, as his laws and his pardons seem to testify; having
subdued the Queen and her hated faction, and been called first to the
protectorship and then to the crown by the nobility and by the parliament;
with the common people to friend (as Carte often asserts), and having nothing
against him but the illegitimate family of his brother Edward, and the
attainted House of Clarence (both of them within his power); — that such 
a man should see within a few months Buckingham, his best friend, and
<pb n="291" xml:id="p1-291"/>
almost all the southern and western counties in one day
in arms against him; that having seen all these insurrections come to nothing,
he should march with a gallant army against a handful of needy adventurers,
led by a fugitive, who had not the shadow of a title, nor any virtues to
recommend him, nor any foreign strength to depend on; that he should be
betrayed by almost all his troops, and fall a sacrifice; — all this is to
me utterly improbable, and I do not ever expect to see it accounted for.
</p><p>I take this opportunity to tell you, that Algarotti (as I see in the new
edition of his works printed at Leghorn) being employed to buy pictures for
the King of Poland, purchased among others the famous Holbein that was at
Venice. It don't appear that he knew anything of your book: yet he calls it
<emph>the consul Meyer and his family</emph>, as if it were then known to be so in
that city. A young man here, who is a diligent reader of books, an antiquary, 
and a painter, informs me, that at the Red Lion Inn at Newmarket is a piece of
tapestry containing the very design of your marriage of Henry the Sixth, only
with several more figures in it, both men and women; that he would have bought
it of the people, but they refused to part with it. Mr. Mason, who is here,
desires to present his best respects to you.
<pb n="292" xml:id="p1-292"/>
He says, that to efface from our annals the history of any tyrant, is to do an
essential injury to mankind: but he forgives it, because you have shewn Henry
the Seventh to be a greater devil than Richard.
</p><p>Pray do not be out of 
humour. When you first commenced an author, you exposed yourself to pit,
boxes, and gallery. Any coxcomb in the world may come in and hiss if he
pleases; ay, and (what is almost as bad) clap too, and you cannot hinder
him. I saw a little squib fired at you in a newspaper by some of the <emph>House
of Yorke</emph>, for speaking lightly of chancellors. Adieu! I am ever yours, 
</p><ab rend="right">T. Gray.</ab>
<p rend="center">[<emph>From Cambridge, February 25, 1768</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I have looked into <anchor xml:id="an292_17-1" n="an292_17"/><ref target="#n292_17">Speed</ref> and <anchor xml:id="an292_17-2" n="an292_17"/><ref target="#n292_17">Leslie</ref>. It appears very odd that Speed in the
speech he makes for P. Warbeck, 
addressed to James IV. of Scotland, should three times cite the <emph>manuscript
proclamation</emph> of Perkin, then in the hands of Sir Robert Cotton; and yet 
when he gives us the proclamation afterwards (on occasion of the insurrection 
in Cornwall) he does not cite any such manuscript. In Casley's <emph>Catalogue
of the Cotton Library</emph> you may see whether this manuscript proclamation
still exists or not: if it does,
<pb n="293" xml:id="p1-293"/>
it may be found at the Museum. Leslie will give you no 
satisfaction at all: though no subject of England, he could not write freely
on this matter, as the title of Mary (his mistress) to the crown of England
was derived from that of Henry VII. Accordingly he everywhere treats Perkin as
an impostor; yet drops several little expressions inconsistent with that
supposition. He has preserved no proclamation: he only puts a short speech
into Perkin's mouth, the substance of which is taken by Speed, and translated
in the end of his, which is a good deal longer: the whole matter is treated by
Leslie very concisely and superficially. I can easily transcribe it, if you
please; but I do not see that it could answer any purpose.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="an293_17"/><ref target="#n293_17">Mr. Boswell's 
book</ref> I was going to recommend to you, when I received your letter; it has
pleased and moved me strangely, all (I mean) that relates to Paoli. He is a
man born two thousand years after his time! The pamphlet proves what I have
always maintained, that any fool may write a most valuable book by chance, if
he will only tell us what he heard and saw with veracity. Of Mr. Boswell's
truth I have not the least suspicion, because I am sure he could invent
nothing of this kind. The true title of this part of his work is, a Dialogue
between a Green-Goose and a Hero. . . .
<pb n="294" xml:id="p1-294"/>
</p><ab rend="right">Pembroke Hall, March 6, 1768.</ab>
<p>Here is <anchor xml:id="an294_2"/><ref target="#n294_2">Sir William
Cornwallis</ref>, entitled <emph>Essayes of certaine Paradoxes.</emph> 2d Edit. 
1617. Lond.
<table><row><cell>
King Richard III.<lb/>
The French Pockes.<lb/>
Nothing.<lb/>
Good to be in debt.<lb/>
Sadnesse.<lb/>
Julian the Apostate's virtues.         
</cell><cell style="vertical-align: middle">} Praised.</cell></row></table>
</p><p>The title-page will probably suffice you; but if you
would know any more of him, he has read nothing but the common chronicles, and
those without attention; for example, speaking of Anne the queen, he says, she
was barren, of which Richard had often complained to Rotheram. He extenuates
the murder of Henry VI. and his son: the first, he says, might be a malicious
insinuation, for that many did suppose he died of mere melancholy and grief:
the latter cannot be proved to be the action of Richard (though executed in
his presence); and if it were, he did it out of love to his brother Edward. He
justifies the death of the Lords at Pomfret, from reasons of state, for his
own preservation, the safety of the commonwealth, and the ancient
nobility. The execution of Hastings he excuses from necessity, from the
dishonesty and sensuality of the man:
<pb n="295" xml:id="p1-295"/>
what was his crime with 
respect to Richard, he does not say. Dr. Shaw's Sermon was not by the King's
command, but to be imputed to the preacher's own ambition: but if it was by
order, <emph>to charge bis mother with adultery was a matter of no such great
moment, since it is no wonder in that sex.</emph> Of the murder in the Tower he
doubts: but if it were by his order, the offence was to God, not to his
people; and <emph>how could he demonstrate his love more amply, than to venture
his soul for their quiet?</emph> Have you enough, pray? You see it is an idle
declamation, the exercise of a school-boy that is to be bred a statesman.
</p><p>I have looked in Stowe; to be sure there is no proclamation there. Mr. 
Hume, I suppose, means <emph>Speed</emph>, where it is given, how truly I know
not; but that he had seen the original is sure, and seems to quote the very
words of it in the beginning of that speech which Perkin makes to James
IV. and also just afterwards, where he treats of the Cornish
rebellion. <anchor xml:id="an295_21"/><ref target="#n295_21">Guthrie</ref>,
you see, has vented himself in the <emph>Critical 
Review</emph>. His <emph>History</emph> I never saw, nor is it here, nor do I know
any one that ever saw it. He is a rascal, but rascals may chance to meet 
with curious records; and that commission to Sir I. Tyrrell (if
it be not a lie) is such; so is the order for Henry the Sixth's funeral. I
would by no means
<pb n="296" xml:id="p1-296"/>
take notice of him, write what he would. I am glad you have seen the 
Manchester Roll.
</p><p>It is not I that talk of <emph>Phil. de Comines</emph>. It was mentioned to me 
as a thing that looked like a voluntary omission, but I see you have taken 
notice of it, in the note to p. 71, though rather too slightly. You have not 
observed that the same writer says, c. 55, <emph>Richard tua de sa main ou fit 
tuer en sa presence, quelque lieu apart, ce bon homme le Roi Henry.</emph> 
Another oversight I think there is at p. 43, where you speak of the <emph>Roll 
of Parliament</emph>, and the contract with Lady Eleanor Botelar, as things 
newly come to light. Whereas Speed has given at large the same Roll in his 
<emph>History</emph>. Adieu! — I am ever yours, 
</p><ab rend="right">T. Gray.</ab>
<p rend="center">THE CHARACTER OF A PHILOSOPHER</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Charles von Bonstetten</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Cambridge, April 12, 1770.</ab>
<p>Never did I feel, my dear Bonstetten, to what a tedious length the few 
short moments of our life may be extended by impatience and expectation, till 
you had left me; nor ever knew before with so strong a conviction how much 
this frail body sympathizes with the inquietude of the
<pb n="297" xml:id="p1-297"/>
mind. I am grown old in the compass of less than three weeks, like the Sultan
in the Turkish tales, that did but plunge his head into a vessel of water and
take it out again, as the standers by affirmed, at the command of a Dervise,
and found he had passed many years in captivity, and begot a large family of
children. The strength and spirits that now enable me to write to you, are
only owing to your last letter a temporary gleam of sunshine. Heaven knows
when it may shine again! I did not conceive till now, I own, what it was to
lose you, nor felt the solitude and insipidity of my own condition before I
possessed the happiness of your friendship. I must cite another Greek writer
to you, because it is much to my purpose: he is describing the character of a
genius truly inclined to philosophy. "It includes," he says, "qualifications
rarely united in one single mind, quickness of apprehension and a retentive
memory, vivacity and application, gentleness and magnanimity; to these he adds
an invincible love of truth, and consequently of probity and justice. Such a
soul," continues he, "will be little inclined to sensual pleasures, and
consequently temperate; a stranger to illiberality and avarice; being
accustomed to the most extensive views of things, and sublimest
contemplations, it will contract an habitual greatness,
<pb n="298" xml:id="p1-298"/>
will look down with a kind of disregard on human life and on death;
consequently, will possess the truest fortitude. Such," says he, "is the mind
born to govern the rest of mankind." But these very endowments, so necessary
to a soul formed for philosophy, are often its ruin, especially when joined to
the external advantages of wealth, nobility, strength, and beauty; that is, if
it light on a bad soil, and want its proper nurture, which nothing but an
excellent education can bestow. In this case he is depraved by the public
example, the assemblies of the people, the courts of justice, the theatres,
that inspire it with false opinions, terrify it with false infamy, or elevate
it with false applause; and remember, that extraordinary vices and
extraordinary virtues are equally the produce of a vigorous mind: little souls
are alike incapable of the one and the other. 
</p><p>If you have ever met with the 
portrait sketched out by Plato, you will know it again: for my part, to my
sorrow I have had that happiness. I see the principal features, and I foresee
the dangers with a trembling anxiety. But enough of this, I return to your
letter. It proves at least, that in the midst of your new gaieties I still
hold some place in your memory, and, what pleases me above all, it has an air
of undissembled sincerity. Go on, my best and amiable friend, to
<pb n="299" xml:id="p1-299"/>
shew me your heart simply and without the shadow of disguise, and leave me to
weep over it, as I now do, no matter whether from joy or sorrow.
</p><p rend="center">ISOCRATES</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Norton Nicholls, from Cambridge, April 14,
1770</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . It would be strange if I 
should blame you for reading Isocrates: I did so myself twenty years ago, and
in an edition at least as bad as yours. <emph>The Panegyrick, The De Pace,
Areopagitica,</emph> and <emph>Advice to Philip,</emph> are by far the noblest
remains we have of this writer, and equal to most things extant in the Greek
tongue: but it depends on your judgment to distinguish between his real and
occasional opinion of things, as he directly contradicts in one place what he
has advanced in another; for example, in the <emph>Panathenaic</emph> and the
<emph>De Pace</emph>, &amp;c, on the naval power of Athens: the latter of the two
is undoubtedly his own undisguised sentiment. . . .  
</p><p rend="center">THE MINSTREL</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To James Beattie</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Pembroke Hall, July 2, 1770.</ab>
<p>I rejoice to hear that you are restored to a better state of
health, to your books, and to your
<pb n="300" xml:id="p1-300"/>
muse once again. That forced dissipation and exercise we are obliged to fly to
as a remedy, when this frail machine goes wrong, is often almost as bad as the
distemper we would cure; yet I too have been constrained of late to pursue a
like regimen, on account of certain pains in the head (a sensation unknown to
me before), and of great dejection of spirits. This, Sir, is the only excuse I
have to make you for my long silence, and not (as perhaps you may have figured
to yourself) any secret reluctance I had to tell you my mind concerning the
specimen you so kindly sent me of your new Poem. On the contrary, if I had
seen anything of importance to disapprove, I should have hastened to inform
you, and never doubted of being forgiven. The truth is, I greatly like all I
have seen, and wish to see more. The design is simple, and pregnant with
poetical ideas of various kinds, yet seems somehow imperfect at the end. Why
may not young Edwin, when necessity has driven him to take up the harp, and
assume the profession of a Minstrel, do some great and singular service to his
country? (what service I must leave to your invention) such as no General, no
Statesman, no Moralist could do without the aid of music, inspiration, and
poetry. This will not appear an improbability in those early times, and in a
character
<pb n="301" xml:id="p1-301"/>
then held sacred, and respected by all 
nations. Besides, it will be a full answer to all the Hermit has said, when he
dissuaded him from cultivating these pleasing arts; it will shew their use,
and make the best panegyric of our favourite and celestial science. And lastly
(what weighs most with me), it will throw more of action, pathos, and interest
into your design, which already abounds in reflection and sentiment. As to
description, I have always thought that it made the most graceful ornament of
poetry, but never ought to make the subject. Your ideas are new, and borrowed
from a mountainous country, the only one that can furnish truly picturesque
scenery. <anchor xml:id="an301_15"/><ref target="#n301_15">Some trifles</ref>
in the language or versification you will permit me to remark. . . .  
</p><p>I will not enter at present into the merits of your <emph>Essay on
Truth</emph>, because I have not yet given it all the attention it deserves, 
though I have read it through with pleasure; besides I am partial, for I have
always thought David Hume a pernicious writer, and believe he has done as much
mischief here as he has in his own country. A turbid and shallow stream often
appears to our apprehensions very deep. A professed sceptic can be guided by
nothing but his present passions (if he has any) and interests; and to be
masters of his philosophy we need not his books or advice,
<pb n="302" xml:id="p1-302"/>
for every child is capable of the same thing, without any study
at all. Is not that <emph>naiveté</emph> and good humour, which his
admirers celebrate in him, owing to this, that he has continued all his days
an infant, but one that has unhappily been taught to read and write? That
childish nation, the French, have given him vogue and fashion, and we, as
usual, have learned from them to admire him at second hand.
</p><p rend="center">FROISSART, ETC.</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To Norton Nicholls, from Cambridge, January 26,
1771</emph>]</p>
<p>. . . I rejoice you have met with Froissart: he is 
the Herodotus of a barbarous age: had he but had the luck of writing in as
good a language, he might have been immortal! His locomotive disposition (for
then there was no other way of learning things), his simple curiosity, his
religious credulity, were much like those of the old Grecian. Our ancestors
used to read the <emph>Mort d' Arthur, Amadis de Gaul,</emph> and Froissart, all
alike, that is, they no more suspected the good faith of the former than they
did of the latter, but took it all for history. When you have tant
chevauché as to get to the end of him, there is <anchor xml:id="an302_23"/><ref target="#n302_23">Monstrelet</ref> waits to 
take you up, and will set you down at
<pb n="303" xml:id="p1-303"/>
<anchor xml:id="an303_1"/><ref target="#n303_1">Philip de Comines</ref>; but
previous to all these, you should have read 
<anchor xml:id="an303_2-1" n="an303_2"/><ref target="#n303_2">Villehardouin</ref> and <anchor xml:id="an303_2-2" n="an303_2"/><ref target="#n303_2">Joinville</ref>. I do not think
myself bound to defend the character of even the best of kings. Pray slash
them, and spare not. . . . 
</p><p rend="center">THE MINSTREL</p>
<p rend="center">[<emph>To James Beattie</emph>]</p>
<ab rend="right">Cambridge, March 8, 1771.</ab>
<p><emph>The Minstrel</emph> came 
safe to my hands, and I return you my sincere thanks for so acceptable a
present. In return, I shall give you my undisguised opinion of him, as he
proceeds, without considering to whom he owes his birth, and sometimes without
specifying my reasons; either because they would lead me too far, or because I
may not always know what they are myself.  
</p><p>I think we should wholly adopt the 
language of Spenser's time or wholly renounce it. You say, you have done the
latter; but, in effect, you retain <emph>fared, forth, meed, wight, ween, gaude,
shene, in sooth, aye, eschew,</emph> &amp;c.; obsolete words, at least in these
parts of the island, and only known to those that read our ancient authors, or
<anchor xml:id="an303_23"/><ref target="#n303_23">such as imitate them</ref>.
</p><p>St. 2, v. 5. The <emph>obstreperous</emph> trump of fame
<pb n="304" xml:id="p1-304"/>
hurts my ear, though meant to express a jarring sound.  
</p><p>St. 3, v. 6. <emph>And from his bending,</emph> &amp;c., the grammar seems
deficient; yet as the mind easily fills up the ellipsis, perhaps it is an
atticism, and not inelegant.
</p><p>St. 4, and ult. <emph>Pensions, posts, and praise.</emph> I cannot reconcile
myself to this, nor to the whole following stanza; especially <anchor xml:id="an304_10"/><ref target="#n304_10"><emph>the plaister 
of thy hair</emph></ref>.
</p><p><emph>Surely the female heart,</emph> &amp;c., St. 6. The thought is not
just. We cannot justify the sex from the conduct of the Muses, who are only
females by the help of Greek mythology; and then, again, how should they bow
the knee in the fane of a Hebrew or Philistine devil? Besides, I am the more
severe, because it serves to introduce what <anchor xml:id="an304_18"/><ref target="#n304_18">I most admire</ref>. 
</p><p>St. 7. <emph>Rise, sons of harmony,</emph> &amp;c. This is charming; the 
thought and the expression. I will not be so hypercritical as to
add, but it is <emph>lyrical,</emph> and therefore belongs to a different species
of poetry. Rules are but chains, good for little, except when one can break
through them; and what is fine gives me so much pleasure, that I never regard
what place it is in.
</p><p>St. 8, 9, 10. All this thought is well and freely handled, particularly,
<emph>Here peaceful are the</emph> 
<pb n="305" xml:id="p1-305"/>
<emph>vales,</emph> &amp;c. <emph>Know thine own worth,</emph> &amp;c. <emph>Canst thou
forego,</emph> &amp;c.
</p><p>St. 11. <emph>O, how canst thou renounce,</emph> &amp;c. But this, of all
others, is my favourite stanza. It is true poetry; it is inspiration; only (to
shew it is mortal) there is one blemish; the word <anchor xml:id="an305_6"/><ref target="#n305_6"><emph>garniture</emph></ref> 
suggesting an idea of dress, and, what is worse, of French dress.
</p><p>St. 12. Very well. <emph>Prompting th' ungenerous wish,</emph> &amp;c. But do
not say <emph>rambling muse; <anchor xml:id="an305_11"/><ref target="#n305_11">wandering</ref>,</emph> or <emph>devious,</emph> if you
please. 
</p><p>St. 13. <emph>A nation fam'd,</emph> &amp;c. I like this compliment to your
country; the simplicity, too, of the following narrative; only in st. 17 the
words <emph>artless</emph> and <emph>simple</emph> are too synonymous to come so near
each other.
</p><p>St. 18. <emph>And yet poor Edwin,</emph> &amp;c. This
is all excellent, and comes very near the level of st. 11 in my esteem; only,
perhaps, <emph>And some believed him mad,</emph> falls a little too flat, and
rather below simplicity.
</p><p>St. 21. <emph>Ah, no!</emph> By the way, this sort of interjection is rather
too frequent with you, and will grow characteristic, if you do not avoid it.
</p><p>In <anchor xml:id="an305_25"/><ref target="#n305_25">that part</ref> of the
poem which you sent me before, you have altered several little particulars
much for the better. 
</p><p>St. 34. I believe I took notice before of this
<pb n="306" xml:id="p1-306"/>
excess of alliteration. <emph>Long, 
loaded, loud,</emph> lament, <emph>lonely,</emph> lighted, <emph>lingering,
listening;</emph> though the verses are otherwise very good, it looks <anchor xml:id="an306_4"/><ref target="#n306_4">like affectation</ref>.
</p><p>St. 36, 37, 38. Sure you go 
too far in lengthening a stroke of Edwin's character and disposition into a
direct narrative, as of a fact. In the meantime, the poem stands still, and
the reader grows impatient. Do you not, in general, indulge a little too much
in <emph>description</emph> and <emph>reflection?</emph> This is not my remark only, I
have heard it observed by others; and I take notice of it here, because
<emph>these</emph> are among the stanzas that might be spared; they are good,
nevertheless, and might be laid by, and employed elsewhere <anchor xml:id="an306_16"/><ref target="#n306_16">to advantage</ref>. 
</p><p>St. 42. Spite of what I have just now said, this digression pleases me so
well, that I cannot spare it.
</p><p>St. 46, v. ult. The <emph>infuriate</emph> flood. I would not make new words
without great necessity; it is very <anchor xml:id="an306_22"/><ref target="#n306_22">hazardous at best</ref>. 
</p><p>St. 49, 50, 51, 52. All this is very good; but <emph>medium</emph> and
<emph>incongruous,</emph> being words of art, lose their dignity in my 
eyes, and savour too much of prose. I would have read the last line — 
"Presumptuous child of dust, be humble and be wise." But, on second thoughts,
perhaps — "<emph>For thou art</emph>
<pb n="307" xml:id="p1-307"/>
<emph>but of dust</emph>" — is better and more solemn, from its simplicity.
</p><p>St. 53. <emph>Where dark,</emph> &amp;c. You return again to the charge. Had 
you not said <anchor xml:id="an307_4"/><ref target="#n307_4">enough
before</ref>? 
</p><p>St. 54. <emph>Nor was this ancient dame,</emph> &amp;c. Consider, she has not
been mentioned for these six stanzas backward. 
</p><p>St. 56, v. 5. <emph>The vernal day.</emph> With us it <anchor xml:id="an307_9"/><ref target="#n307_9">rarely thunders</ref> in the spring, but in the summer
frequently. 
</p><p>St. 57, 58. Very pleasing, and has much the rhythm and expression of 
Milton in his youth. The last four lines strike me less by far.
</p><p>St. 59. The first five lines charming. Might not the mind of your conqueror
be checked and softened in the mid-career of his successes by some domestic
misfortune (introduced by way of episode, interesting and new, but not too
long), that Edwin's music and its triumphs may be a little prepared, and more
consistent <anchor xml:id="an307_21"/><ref target="#n307_21">with
probability</ref>? 
</p><p>I am happy to hear of your successes in another way, because I think you 
are serving the cause of human nature, and the true interest of mankind. Your 
book is read here too, and with just applause.
<pb n="308" xml:id="p1-308" type="unnumbered"/>
</p><ab/>
</div></body><back><div type="notes"><pb n="309" xml:id="p1-309" type="unnumbered"/>
<head rend="center">Notes</head>
<div type="commentary"><head rend="center">Phædo</head>
<p><anchor xml:id="n3_2"/>
<ref target="#an3_2">3, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Panaetius the stoick:</hi> a philosopher 
of Rhodes (<emph>c.</emph> B.C. 180 — <emph>c.</emph> B.C. 111). At Rome, where 
he lived between 156 and 129, he did much to refine and polish the Stoic 
teaching.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n4_3"/>
<ref target="#an4_3">4, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">[Greek (omitted)], etc.:</hi> "a certain 
marvelous mixture of pleasure and of pain." <emph>Phaedo,</emph> 59 a.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n5_24"/>
<ref target="#an5_24">5, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">[Greek (omitted)], etc.:</hi> "in
life is the beginning of death"; the second clause repeats the thought.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n5_28"/>
<ref target="#an5_28">5, 28</ref>. <hi rend="bold">[Greek (omitted)], etc.:</hi> "some things 
I have said of which I am not altogether confident." Trans. Jowett.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n6_8"/>
<ref target="#an6_8">6, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dacier:</hi> André Dacier
(1651-1722), an industrious classical scholar, translator of Horace, Longinus,
some of Plato's <emph>Dialogues,</emph> and Plutarch's <emph>Lives.</emph> He entered 
the French Academy in 1695. Cf. Asse in <emph>La Grande
Encyclopédie.</emph> "Dacier has been forced to prove his Plato a very 
good Christian, before he ventures <emph>to translate him,</emph> and has so
far complied with the taste of the age, that his whole book is overrun with
texts of Scripture, and the notion of pre-existence supposed to be stolen from
two verses <emph>out</emph> of the Prophets." Addison to Charles Montagu, from
Paris, Oct. 14, 1699.
</p></div><div type="commentary"><head rend="center">Essay on the Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke</head>
<p><anchor xml:id="n7_1"/>
<ref target="#an7_1">7, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lord Bolingbroke:</hi> Henry St. John, 
Viscount Bolingbroke (1678-1751), was a statesman, orator, and voluminous 
author. For some years he lived in France, and his thought, that of a 
pronounced Deist, may have been influenced by Voltaire. He has been censured 
for a lack of sincerity and honest purpose and for an unscrupulous ambition. 
His philosophical views can scarcely be called profound.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n8_13"/>
<ref target="#an8_13">8, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Clarke:</hi> Samuel Clarke 
(1675-1729), theological
<pb n="310" xml:id="p1-310"/>
writer and controversialist, rector of St. James's, Westminster, and Boyle
Lecturer in 1704-5. "His work," says Stephen (<emph>D. N. B.</emph>, x. 443), "is
the principal literary result of the speculative movement of which the
contemporary English deism was one result. . . . He was the founder of the
so-called 'intellectual' school, of which Wollaston and Price were the chief
English followers, which deduced the moral law from a logical necessity."  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n8_13_2"/>
<ref target="#an8_13_2">8, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Evid. 26th:</hi> this corresponds,
apparently, to Proposition VIII. of <emph>A Discourse Concerning the Being and
Attributes of God</emph> (<emph>Works</emph>, London, 1738, ii. 543): "That the 
Self-Existent and Original Cause of all things, must be an Intelligent Being."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n10_24"/>
<ref target="#an10_24">10, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Wollaston:</hi> William 
Wollaston (1660-1724), of Sidney-Sussex College, Cambridge (M.A. 1681), who, 
inheriting a cousin's "noble estate," settled in London in 1689 and never 
afterward passed a night out of his house. He wrote much on philological and 
ecclesiastical subjects. <emph>The Religion of Nature Delineated</emph>, his most 
important work, was privately printed in 1722 and published in 1724; it went 
through many editions. "Thirty years' profound meditation," says Leslie 
Stephen, "had convinced Wollaston that the reason why a man should abstain 
from breaking his wife's head was, that it was a way of denying that she was 
his wife. . . . It is a repetition of Clarke's theory of morality."
<emph>English Thought in the Eighteenth Century</emph>, i. 130.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n11_22"/>
<ref target="#an11_22">11, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">immovable:</hi> G. immoveable.
</p></div><div type="commentary"><head rend="center">Essay on Norman Architecture</head><p>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n13_1"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:13#an13_1">13, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">characteristics:</hi> G., like others 
of his time, spelled this and most other <emph>-ic</emph> words with <emph>k</emph>: 
<emph>-ick(s)</emph>; so <emph>ethick, topick, Sapphick, politicks.</emph>
<hi rend="bold">Norman:</hi> the earliest instance of the word in this sense in the <emph>New
Eng. Dictionary</emph> is dated 1797, in the <emph>Encycl. Brit.</emph>, 3d ed. The
style is now, of course, known as the Romanesque, sometimes as the
Round-arched Gothic. Cf. Sturgis, <emph>European Architecture</emph>, p. 235, n.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n13_2"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:13#an13_2">13, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Sir Christopher Wren:</hi> lived 
1632-1723. Besides St. Paul's he designed about fifty churches in London, 
the Sheldonian Theatre at Oxford, the Greenwich Observatory, the Chelsea 
Hospital, the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, the 
<pb n="311" xml:id="p1-311"/>
College of Physicians in Warwick Lane, London, the Chapel of Queen's College, 
Oxford, etc. His later works show an increasing appreciation of Gothic; but 
he lived before the days of exact historical knowledge of
architecture. <hi rend="bold">Saxon:</hi> more properly applied to the style in vogue in 
England before the Conquest. For the characteristics of Saxon architecture 
proper, see <emph>Encycl. Brit.</emph>, 9th ed., ii. 425.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n13_9"/>
<ref target="#an13_9">13, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">emperors:</hi> G. emperours.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n13_22"/>
<ref target="#an13_22">13, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Normans:</hi> settled in France 
early in the tenth century; acquired Normandy about 911. 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n14_15"/>
<ref target="#an14_15">14, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">this kind of architecture:</hi> 
Rickman (<emph>An Attempt to Discriminate the Styles of Architecture in
England</emph>, 1817) classified as follows: Anglo-Saxon, to 1066; Norman, 
1066-1189; Early English, 1189-1307.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n15_3"/>
<ref target="#an15_3">15, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">aisles:</hi> G. here and elsewhere, 
ailes.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n16_26"/>
<ref target="#an16_26">16, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">old St. Paul's:</hi> burnt in the 
great fire of 1666; rebuilt by Sir Christopher Wren 1675-1710.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n19_1"/>
<ref target="#an19_1">19, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">nebule:</hi> the earliest instance 
of this word in the <emph>New Eng. Dict.</emph> is quoted from Nicholson's 
<emph>Practical Builder</emph>, 1823. Gray may possibly have coined
the word, and does not (cf. <emph>N. E. D.</emph>) misapprehend the meaning of 
<emph>nebulé</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n19_26"/>
<ref target="#an19_26">19, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">King Ethelbald:</hi> king of the 
Mercians, d. 757. Visited his kinsman the hermit Guthlac at Crowland. Though 
of immoral life, he gave much to the Church.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n19_27"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:19#an19_27">19, 27</ref>. <hi rend="bold">King Osric:</hi> Gray has apparently 
here made a slip. He is thinking of the shrine of Osric, king of the 
Northumbrians (d. 729), erected at Gloucester (on the north side of the 
presbytery) by Abbot Malvern in the time of Henry VIII. Osric is said to have 
founded the first religious establishment here. Cf. H. J. Massé,
<emph>The Cathedral Church of Gloucester</emph>, London, 1900, pp. 59 f.;
J. Britton, <emph>The History and Antiquities of the Abbey, and Cathedral Church 
of Gloucester</emph>, London, 1836, p. 66. <hi rend="bold">Robert Courthose:</hi> Duke of 
Normandy (1054-1134), eldest son of the Conqueror. Called Curthose on account 
of his short, fat figure. The chest, of the fifteenth century, is of Irish 
bog-wood; the figure may be of the 12th. The effigy was demolished by
the Puritans in 1641, but the pieces were kept by Sir Humphrey Tracy of
Stanway and after the Restoration replaced at his expense.
<pb n="312" xml:id="p1-312"/>
<anchor xml:id="n20_10"/>
<ref target="#an20_10">20, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">five and thirty years:</hi> the 
choir and transepts, as well as the three stages of the central tower and the 
six central bays of the nave except the clerestory, were probably finished 
1155-75. The clerestory of the nave, the west bays of the nave, and the west 
front were probably built 1177-93. Cf. Bond, <emph>Gothic Architecture in 
England</emph>, p. 651.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n20_13"/>
<ref target="#an20_13">20, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">surpassed in beauty:</hi> G., it 
thus appears, was one of the earliest admirers of Gothic. On the use of
"Gothic" for what was crude and barbaric, cf. G. Lüdtke, <emph>Geschichte
des Wortes "Gothisch" im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert</emph>, Strassburg, 1903;
<emph>New Eng. Dict.</emph>, <emph>s. v. Gothic</emph>; C. H. Moore, <emph>Development 
and Character of Gothic Architecture</emph>, 2d ed., 1899, chap. i.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n21_0"/>
<ref target="#an21_0">21</ref>. Pp. 21-117 have been grouped in previous 
editions under the head of Metrum, with the following quotation (in Greek) from
Longinus' <emph>Fragmenta</emph>, 3, sect. 1, e Cod. Ms. Paris [2881]: "Whether the
doctrine of metres is new, or an invention of the ancient Muse, in either case
it will be held good. For if it is ancient, it will be venerable for its age; 
and if it is modern, it will be the more agreeable." 
</p></div><div type="commentary"><head rend="center">Observations on English Metre</head> 
<p><anchor xml:id="n21_1"/>
<ref target="#an21_1">21, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Urry:</hi> John Urry (1666-1715), 
of Christ Church, Oxford, in 1711 began work upon an edition which was 
published in 1721. As a scholar Urry was much overrated. Cf. Miss Hammond's 
<emph>Bibliogr. Manual</emph> of Chaucer, pp. 128 ff.; Lounsbury, <emph>Studies in 
Chaucer</emph>, i. 283 ff.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n21_11"/>
<ref target="#an21_11">21, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">great inequalities:</hi> cf. Gray's 
note on Lydgate's metre, <ref target="#p1-94">p. 94</ref>, n. 1.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n21_25"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:21#an21_25">21, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Francesco [da] Barberino:</hi> lived 
1264-1348; wrote, among other things, <emph>Il reggimento e costumi di
donna</emph> and <emph>I documenti d' Amore</emph>, a moral
encyclopedia. <hi rend="bold">Boccaccio:</hi> G. here and elsewhere, Boccacio.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n21_26"/>
<ref target="#an21_26">21, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Crescimbeni:</hi> Giovan-Maria 
Crescimbeni (1663-1728) became a well-known Roman poet and savant; wrote 
several works on literary history. His <emph>Commentarii intorno alla volgar 
poesia storia</emph>, much used by Gray, appeared at Rome in 1702-11 in 5
volumes, quarto.
<pb n="313" xml:id="p1-313"/>
<anchor xml:id="n22_2"/>
<ref target="#an22_2">22, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">always prefixed:</hi> usually, but not 
always; cf. Sievers, <emph>0. E. Grammar</emph>, trans. Cook, 3d ed., sec. 366, 
and Wright, <emph>0. E. Grammar</emph>, sec. 488.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n22_8"/>
<ref target="#an22_8">22, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Hickes:</hi> George Hickes 
(1642-1715), titular bishop of Thetford, published his <emph>Anglo-Saxon and
Maeso-Gothic Grammar</emph> at Oxford in 1689. A 2d ed. formed part of his 
celebrated <emph>Linguarum veterum septentrionalium thesaurus
grammatico-criticus et archaeologicus</emph>, Oxford, 1703-5, folio.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n22_16"/>
<ref target="#an22_16">22, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Somner's:</hi> William Somner 
(1598-1669), linguist and antiquarian, published his <emph>Dictionarium 
Saxonico-Latino-Anglicum</emph> at Oxford in 1659, 2 parts, folio; 2d ed., with 
additions by Thomas Benson, 1701, 8vo.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n22_18"/>
<ref target="#an22_18">22, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">towards the end:</hi> <emph>T. and
C.</emph>, v. 1793-9. 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n22_25"/>
<ref target="#an22_25">22, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">in another place:</hi> <emph>House of
Fame</emph>, 1096-8.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n22_33"/>
<ref target="#an22_33">22, 33</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Chronicle of Troy:</hi> Dr. Henry 
Bergen is printing an edition of the <emph>Troy-Book</emph> (E. E. T. S., Extra 
Series xcvii, ciii, etc.).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n23_9"/>
<ref target="#an23_9">23, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Cimbrick tongue:</hi> Cymric properly, 
of course, means "Welsh"; in Gray's time there was much confusion between 
Scandinavian and Celtic. Cf. <ref target="#p1-239">p. 239</ref>. See also Farley, 
<emph>Scandinavian Influence in the English Romantic Movement</emph>, pp. 202 f.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n23_11"/>
<ref target="#an23_11">23, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">greipan:</hi>
O. E. <emph>grīpan</emph>, Old Saxon <emph>grīpan</emph>, Gothic
<emph>greipan</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n24_14"/>
<ref target="#an24_14">24, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">wordis:</hi> Northern dialect form 
of O. E. <emph>wordes</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n25_21"/>
<ref target="#an25_21">25, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Art of Poetry:</hi> published 
anonymously in 1589, by Richard Field, "dwelling in the black-Friers, neere 
Ludgate."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n25_23"/>
<ref target="#an25_23">25, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Chaucer, Lydgate," etc.:</hi> a 
collation with Arber's reprint shows only slight variants: 23, these
<emph>Cesures</emph>; 24, seldome; 27, wordes; 26, 2, maner; 11, poesie; 27, 2, 
should be touched.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n25_26"/>
<ref target="#an25_26">25, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">riding Rhyme:</hi> G. Ryme. "This 
term was applied to '10-syllable couplets' like those of Chaucer's Canterbury 
Pilgrims, as distinguished from statelier quatrains and stanzas. For long 
such couplets were considered unfit for serious themes — an idea in 
Gray's time hardly comprehensible, though he himself wisely preferred 
quatrains for his famous <emph>Elegy</emph>."  T. S. Omond, <emph>English Metrists
in the 18th and 19th Centuries</emph>, 1907, p. 20, n. 1.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n26_11"/>
<ref target="#an26_11">26, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Ryme Dogrell:</hi> the obvious 
connection with <emph>dog</emph>
<pb n="314" xml:id="p1-314"/>
in the sense of "bastard, dog-rhyme" is suggested by the <emph>New
Eng. Dict.</emph>; but the origin of the word is still to be traced.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n26_12"/>
<ref target="#an26_12">26, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Alderman Fabian:</hi> Robert Fabyan 
(d. 1513); his <emph>Concordance of Histories</emph>, published by Pynson in 1516 
as <emph>The New Chronicles of England and France</emph>, began with the arrival 
of Brutus and extended to his own day. Only a little of it is in verse.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n27_3"/>
<ref target="#an27_3">27, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Then Puttenham:</hi> this quotation
really occurs about a page farther back in the same chapter.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n27_5"/>
<ref target="#an27_5">27, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">in the middle:</hi> inexactly quoted. 
Arber: In a verse of twelve sillables the <emph>Cesure</emph> ought to fall right 
upon the sixt syllable.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n27_24"/>
<ref target="#an27_24">27, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">of pleasure:</hi> here Gray
omits five and a half lines of Puttenham; cf. Arber, p. 86.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n31_14"/>
<ref target="#an31_14">31, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Spenser:</hi> on his use of the 
caesura cf. Schipper, <emph>Engl. Metrik</emph>, 1888, ii. 188 f., 202.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n31_15"/>
<ref target="#an31_15">31, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Milton:</hi> cf. W. Thomas, <emph>De 
epico apud Joannem Miltonium versu</emph>, Lutetiae Parisiorum, 1901, pp. 64-71;
Schipper, <emph>op. cit.</emph>, ii. 28 ff., 344 ff.; Corson, <emph>A Primer of 
English Verse</emph>, 1892, pp. 193 ff.; Robert Bridges, <emph>Milton's
Prosody</emph>, 2d ed., Oxford, 1893, pp. 23 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n32_1"/>
<ref target="#an32_1">32, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">A monke ther was:</hi> Ellesmere Ms., 
A monk ther was, a fair for the maistrie. <emph>Prol.</emph>, 165.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n32_4"/>
<ref target="#an32_4">32, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">many a:</hi> Ellesmere Ms., fful many
a.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n33_5"/>
<ref target="#an33_5">33, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">No more of this:</hi> <emph>C. T.</emph>,
B 2109-12. 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n34_8"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:34#an34_8">34, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Bevis:</hi> ed. by Kölbing,
E. E. T. S., Extra Series, 1885-94. Cf. M. Deutschbein, <emph>Studien zur 
Sagengeschichte Englands</emph>, i., Halle, 1906, pp. 181-213. 
<hi rend="bold">Southampton:</hi> after this Puttenham adds: Guy of Warwicke.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n34_32"/>
<ref target="#an34_32">34, 32</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the same Story:</hi> cf. Leo Jordan, 
<emph>Über Boeve de Hanstone</emph>, Halle, 1908.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n35_1"/>
<ref target="#an35_1">35, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">and historical:</hi> Arber's ed., or.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n35_2"/>
<ref target="#an35_2">35, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">on purpose:</hi> Arber's ed.,
purposely for recreation. 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n35_4"/>
<ref target="#an35_4">35, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">bride-ales:</hi> after this Arber's 
ed. has and.
</p></div><div type="commentary"><head rend="center">The Measures of Verse</head> 
<p><anchor xml:id="n39_17"/>
<ref target="#an39_17">39, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">The Death of Zoroas:</hi> by 
Nicholas Grimald; Arber reprint, pp. 120-3.
<pb n="315" xml:id="p1-315"/>
<anchor xml:id="n39_19"/>
<ref target="#an39_19">39, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">The Death of Cicero:</hi> also by 
Grimald; Arber repr., pp. 123-5.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n40_12"/>
<ref target="#an40_12">40, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Man of Honour:</hi> now called the 
Man of Law.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n40_17"/>
<ref target="#an40_17">40, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Flower and Leaf:</hi> ascribed by 
Skeat (<emph>Athen.</emph>, March 14, 1903, p. 340) to Margaret Neville, daughter 
of the Earl of Warwick; others have opposed this view. Cf. Miss Hammond,
<emph>Chaucer, a Bibliogr. Manual</emph>, pp. 423 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n40_17_2"/>
<ref target="#an40_17_2">40, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Assembly of Ladies:</hi>
determined by internal evidence to be by the author of <emph>The Flower and the
Leaf</emph>; cf. Skeat, <emph>Chaucerian and Other Pieces</emph>, 1897, pp. lxii
ff.; Miss Hammond, <emph>op. cit.</emph>, pp. 408 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n40_18"/>
<ref target="#an40_18">40, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Complaint of the Black Knight:</hi> 
by John Lydgate.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n40_19"/>
<ref target="#an40_19">40, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lamentation of Magdalen:</hi> ed. 
by Bertha M. Skeat as a Zürich diss., Cambridge, 1897. She thinks the 
author was a young lady, probably a nun.<lb/>To this list add Chaucer's
<emph>Compleynte unto Pite</emph> and the introduction to his <emph>Compleynt of
Mars</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n41_4"/>
<ref target="#an41_4">41, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Remedy of Love:</hi> formerly
printed with Chaucer's works; rejected from the Chaucer canon by
Tyrwhitt. Cf. Skeat, <emph>The Chaucer Canon</emph>, p.  113.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n41_8"/>
<ref target="#an41_8">41, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Epistle to Henry the 4th:</hi> often 
called <emph>The Praise of Peace</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n41_11"/>
<ref target="#an41_11">41, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Ballade of our Lady:</hi> in
MacCracken's list (<emph>The Lydgate Canon</emph>, p. x) entitled <emph>Ballade at 
the Reverence of Our Lady Qwene of Mercy</emph>; cf. Skeat, <emph>Chaucerian and 
Other Pieces</emph>, pp. xlvi f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n41_15"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:41#an41_15">41, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Ballades, &amp;c.:</hi> including 
the <emph>Ballad of Good Counsel</emph> or <emph>Wicked Tongue</emph> (<emph>Chaucerian
and Other Pieces</emph>, pp. 285-90), and <emph>Warning Men to Beware of
Deceitful Women</emph> (<emph>ib.</emph>, pp. 295 f), the Lydgatian authorship of 
which MacCracken rejects. <hi rend="bold">Assemblé de Dyeus:</hi> <emph>The Assembly 
of Gods</emph>, ed. by Oscar L. Triggs, <emph>Univ. of Chicago English
Studies</emph>, i., 1895. Assigned by Wynkyn de Worde and others to Lydgate. 
MacCracken rejects Lydgatian authorship, <emph>The Lydgate Canon</emph>,
pp. xxxii f.<lb/>Gray does not know, for example, of Lydgate's <emph>Horse, 
Goose, and Sheep</emph> (ed. M. Degenhart, Erlangen, 1900); <emph>Fabula duorum
mercatorum</emph> (ed. G. Schleich, Strassburg, 1897); <emph>The Flour of</emph>
<pb n="316" xml:id="p1-316"/>
<emph>Curtesye</emph> (<emph>Chaucerian and Other Pieces</emph>, pp. 266-74). Another 
poem, <emph>To My Soverain Lady</emph> (<emph>ib.</emph>, pp. 281-84), assigned to 
Lydgate by Skeat, is rejected from the Lydgate canon by MacCracken, p. xlv.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n42_5"/>
<ref target="#an42_5">42, 5</ref>. To these might be added Henryson's 
<emph>Testament of Cresseid</emph> (<emph>Chaucerian and Other Pieces</emph>,
pp. 327-46) and <emph>The Court of Love</emph> (<emph>ib.</emph>, pp. 409-47).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n42_8"/>
<ref target="#an42_8">42, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Hymn on the Nativity:</hi> the part 
properly known as the Hymn is not in this metre.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n42_13"/>
<ref target="#an42_13">42, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">in some Envoys:</hi> now, I believe, 
no longer ascribed to Chaucer.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n42_23"/>
<ref target="#an42_23">42, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Belle Dame sans mercy:</hi> trans. 
from the French by Sir Richard Ros (<emph>Chaucerian and Other Pieces</emph>, pp. 
299-326). The first five and the last four stanzas have seven lines each.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n42_25"/>
<ref target="#an42_25">42, 25</ref>. Add Chaucer's <emph>Former Age, Fortune, 
Ballade to Rosemounde</emph>, etc.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n43_3"/>
<ref target="#an43_3">43, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Some Poems of Chaucer:</hi> Gray 
probably alludes to Hoccleve's <emph>To the Knights of the Garter</emph>
(<emph>Chaucerian and Other Pieces</emph>, pp. 233-35), and Scogan's <emph>Moral 
Balade</emph> (<emph>ib.</emph>, pp. 237-44).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n43_17"/>
<ref target="#an43_17">43, 17</ref>. Add Chaucer's <emph>Compleynt of
Mars</emph>, main part. 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n44_8"/>
<ref target="#an44_8">44, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Cuckoo and Nightingale:</hi> probably 
by Sir Thomas Clanvowe; cf. Miss Hammond's <emph>Chaucer Manual</emph>, pp. 420 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n47_11"/>
<ref target="#an47_11">47, 11</ref>. Chaucer's <emph>Compleynt unto His
Lady</emph>, ten lines, aabaabcddc, is not provided for in Gray's scheme.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n49_16"/>
<ref target="#an49_16">49, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Story of Thebes:</hi> in heroic 
couplets.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n49_19"/>
<ref target="#an49_19">49, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Romaunce of Merlin:</hi> ed. as
<emph>Arthour and Merlin</emph> by E. Kölbing, Leipzig, 1890.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n49_20"/>
<ref target="#an49_20">49, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Welsh:</hi> G. here and
elsewhere, Welch.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n49_25"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:49#an49_25">49, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">wherein he mentions:</hi> ll. 85-89.
Manning's trans. was ed. by Furnivall in the Rolls Series, No. 87, London, 
1887. <hi rend="bold">different kinds of verse:</hi> on the varieties of rhyme see Schipper, 
"Fremde Metra," Paul's <emph>Grundriss der germ. Philologie</emph>, 2. Aufl., ii. 
224 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n50_11"/>
<ref target="#an50_11">50, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Plowman's Tale:</hi> no longer 
ascribed to Chaucer; cf. Miss Hammond, <emph>Chaucer Manual</emph>, pp. 444 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n50_17"/>
<ref target="#an50_17">50, 17</ref>. Add Lydgate's <emph>Doubleness</emph>
(<emph>Chaucerian and Other Pieces</emph>, pp. 291-94).
<pb n="317" xml:id="p1-317"/>
<anchor xml:id="n50_26"/>
<ref target="#an50_26">50, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Couwe:</hi> in Manning ryme couwee, 
"tailed rhyme." Though his etymology is wrong, Gray is right about <emph>Sir
Thopas.</emph> There is no connection with <emph>cywydd;</emph> cf. D. S. Evans's 
<emph>Dictionary</emph>, 1893.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n53_7"/>
<ref target="#an53_7">53, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">The Life of St. Margaret:</hi> printed 
by Hickes, <emph>Thesaurus</emph>, i. 224 ff., from a ms. (since lost) in Trinity 
College, Cambridge; reprinted by Horstmann, <emph>Ae. Legenden</emph>, N. F., 
1881, pp. 489 ff. Dates from the first half of the 13th century. Gray quotes 
some lines (1-8) on pp. 62 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n53_10"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:53#an53_10">53, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Chronicle of Robert of
Gloucester:</hi> really combines alexandrines with septenaries in what
Gascoigne called "poulter's measure"; cf. Gummere, <emph>Handbook of
Poetics</emph>, p. 185. <hi rend="bold">Peter Langtoft's Chronicle:</hi> Manning's translation 
is in octosyllabic couplets; cf. Oskar Boerner, <emph>Die Sprache Roberd
Mannyngs of Brunne</emph>, Halle, 1904, pp. 15 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n53_12"/>
<ref target="#an53_12">53, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">took its name:</hi> the origin is 
still obscure; cf. the <emph>New. Eng. Dict.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n53_16"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:53#an53_16">53, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lambert li Cors:</hi> should be li 
Tors, <emph>i. e.</emph>, le Tort. Wrote toward 1170; cf. P. Meyer, <emph>Alexandre
le Grand dans la littérature française du moyen age</emph>, Paris, 
1886, ii. 214 ff. The <emph>Roman</emph> was edited by Heinrich Michelant 
(Stuttgart, 1846). <hi rend="bold">Alexandre de Paris:</hi> Alexandre de Bernay.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n53_24"/>
<ref target="#an53_24">53, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">trest:</hi> a better reading is 
<emph>traist.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n54_16"/>
<ref target="#an54_16">54, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Tale of Gamelin:</hi> no longer 
ascribed to Chaucer.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n54_29"/>
<ref target="#an54_29">54, 29</ref>. <hi rend="bold">thus is written:</hi> cf. 
<ref target="#n53_10">the note to 53, 10</ref>, above.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n54_33"/>
<ref target="#an54_33">54, 33</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Semi-Saxon moral poem:</hi> the 
<emph>Poema Morale</emph>, which dates from about 1170. Gray obviously meant 
"<emph>before</emph> Chaucer's time." See <ref target="#p1-63">p. 63</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n55_23"/>
<ref target="#an55_23">55, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Gill Morrice:</hi> <emph>Childe
Maurice</emph>, in Child's <emph>Ballads</emph>, ii. 263. <hi rend="bold">Glasgerion:</hi> in 
Child's <emph>Ballads</emph>, ii. 136 ff. <hi rend="bold">Launcelot du Lake:</hi> in Percy's
<emph>Reliques of Antient English Poetry</emph>. An early poem of the same name, 
in heroic couplets, was ed. by Skeat for the E. E. T. S., No. 6, 1865.
</p></div><div type="commentary"><head rend="center">Observations on the Pseudo-Rhythmus</head> 
<p><anchor xml:id="n57_0"/>
<ref target="#an57_0">57</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Pseudo-rhythmus:</hi> rhyme.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n57_2"/>
<ref target="#an57_2">57, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">has observed:</hi> in his essay <emph>Of 
Poetry;</emph> <emph>Works</emph>, 1814, iii. 425 f.
<pb n="318" xml:id="p1-318"/>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n57_8"/>
<ref target="#an57_8">57, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Taliessin:</hi> now regarded as
mythical, cf. <ref target="#p1-60">61, 10</ref>; formerly reputed to be the 
author of 77 poems; cf. Skene, <emph>Four Ancient Books of Wales; Dict. Nat. 
Biog.</emph>
<hi rend="bold">Benbeirdh:</hi> properly Benbeirdd, an epithet meaning "chief of bards." 
The only poets to whom it was applied were Aneurin and Taliesin (cf. T. 
Stephens, <emph>Literature of the Cymry</emph>, 1849, p. 124). Possibly Gray 
wrote "Taliesin ben beirdh"; if not, we must understand the second poet of 
his trio to be Aneurin. For this information I am indebted to H. I. B.,
<emph>Notes and Queries</emph>, 10th Ser., xi. 236.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n57_9"/>
<ref target="#an57_9">57, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lomarkk:</hi> Llywarch Hen, "the Aged"
(<emph>c.</emph> 496-<emph>c.</emph> 646); cf. Skene, <emph>Four Anc. Books</emph>, i. 569 
ff.; <emph>Dict. Nat. Biog.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n57_11"/>
<ref target="#an57_11">57, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Anglo-Saxons:</hi> on rhyme in 
O. E. literature cf.  Kluge, "Zur Geschichte des Reimes im Altgermanischen," 
Paul-Braune, <emph>Beiträge</emph>, ix. 422-50, 1884; O. Hoffmann,
<emph>Reimformeln im Westgermanischen</emph>, 1886, pp. 73 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n58_1"/>
<ref target="#an58_1">58, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">any rhyming verses:</hi> Gray had of 
course never seen the O. E. <emph>Rhyming Poem</emph> in the Exeter Book,
Grein-Wülker, <emph>Bibliothek der ags. Poesie</emph>, iii.  156-63; cf. 
Wülker, <emph>Grundriss zur Geschichte der ags. Litteratur</emph>, pp.  215 
ff., Kluge in Paul-Braune, <emph>Beiträge</emph>, ix. 440-2, 1884, Ten Brink, 
<emph>Early Eng. Literature</emph>, trans. Kennedy, pp. 85 f.  There are also 
apparently intentional rhymes in Cynewulf's <emph>Elene</emph>, ll. 114 f., 1237 
ff., which dates from the eighth century.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n58_9"/>
<ref target="#an58_9">58, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Wormius:</hi> Ole Worm (1588-1654), 
professor successively of pedagogy, Greek, physics, and medicine at Copenhagen 
(1613-54).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n58_15"/>
<ref target="#an58_15">58, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">sometimes strictly:</hi> the laws of 
O. E. metre are now much better understood: cf. Schipper, <emph>Englische
Metrik</emph>; E. Sievers, "Altgermanische Metrik," Paul's <emph>Grundriss der 
germ. Philologie</emph>, 2. Aufl., ii. 1-38.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n59_2"/>
<ref target="#an59_2">59, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">fragment of Caedmon:</hi> Caedmon's 
<emph>Hymn</emph>, Grein-Wülker, <emph>Bibl. der ags. Prosa</emph>, iv. 484.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n59_5"/>
<ref target="#an59_5">59, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Harmony of the Evangelists:</hi> Ms. 
Cotton Caligula A vii, fol. 11 r. — 175 v. Now called <emph>The
Heliand.</emph> Hickes printed some extracts in his <emph>Anglo-Saxon and
Maeso-Gothic Grammar</emph>, p. 189, and in his <emph>Grammatica
Franco-Theotisca</emph>, chap. 22. Dates from 822-40; cf. Paul,
<emph>Grundr.</emph>, ii. 93 ff. Ed. by Sievers, 1878.
<pb n="319" xml:id="p1-319"/>
<anchor xml:id="n59_12"/>
<ref target="#an59_12">59, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Paraphrase of the Gospels:</hi> 
dedicated about 865 to King Louis the German and to Abp. Liutbert of Mentz. 
There are now many editions. On Otfrid's metre see Sievers, "Die Entstehung 
des deutschen Reimverses," Paul-Braune, <emph>Beiträge</emph>, xiii. 121-66, 
1888.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n60_18"/>
<ref target="#an60_18">60, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Franco-Theotische and
Anglo-Saxon:</hi> not identical, but kindred dialects; cf. Paul's <emph>Grundriss 
der germ. Philologie</emph>, 2. Aufl., i. 651 f., 785 ff., 928, and the map opp.
p. 780.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n60_31"/>
<ref target="#an60_31">60, 31</ref>. <hi rend="bold">no verses extant:</hi> the 
<emph>Cantilena of St. Eulalia</emph> dates from the end of the ninth century; 
cf. P. Toynbee, <emph>Specimens of Old French</emph>, pp. 2 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n60_34"/>
<ref target="#an60_34">60, 34</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Wistace:</hi> now generally called 
Wace. His <emph>Brut</emph> was ed. by Le Roux de Lincy, 2 vols., Rouen, 1836-38. 
<emph>Brut</emph>, originally from the name of <emph>Brutus</emph>, the
great-grandson of Aeneas, came to mean in Welsh a "chronicle, history."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n60_36"/>
<ref target="#an60_36">60, 36</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Provencal writers:</hi> see 
Stimming, in Gröber's <emph>Grundriss der romanischen Philologie</emph>, 
1897, ii. 2. 1 ff.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n62_2"/>
<ref target="#an62_2">62, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Gothic:</hi> we should now say 
<emph>Germanic</emph> or <emph>Teutonic</emph>, reserving <emph>Gothic</emph> for the 
name of one dialect.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n62_27"/>
<ref target="#an62_27">62, 27</ref>. <hi rend="bold">eches:</hi> probably for <emph>e
ches</emph> "he chose," O. E. <emph>ceas.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n63_9"/>
<ref target="#an63_9">63, 9</ref> ff. <hi rend="bold">Ic am elder:</hi> <emph>Poema
Morale</emph>, cf. <ref target="#n54_33">the note on 54, 33</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n63_24"/>
<ref target="#an63_24">63, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Rada:</hi> O. L. G. <emph>rad</emph>, 
O. E. <emph>raed.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n65_3"/>
<ref target="#an65_3">65, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Vision of Peirce Plowman:</hi> edited 
by Skeat, E. E. T. S., 1867-84, and for the Clarendon Press, 1886. On the 
metre see K. Luick, "Geschichte der heimische Metra," Paul's
<emph>Grundriss</emph>, 2. Aufl., ii. 145 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n65_16"/>
<ref target="#an65_16">65, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the oaths:</hi> sworn on Feb. 14, 
842; see Brachet-Toynbee, <emph>A Hist. Grammar of the French
Language</emph>, Oxford, 1896, pp. 16-17; Toynbee, <emph>Specimens of Old
French</emph>, Oxford, 1892, pp. 1 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n65_27"/>
<ref target="#an65_27">65, 27</ref>. <hi rend="bold">The Provencal:</hi> see 
Darmesteter-Hartog, <emph>A Historical French Grammar</emph>, London, 1899, pp. 
24 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n66_1"/>
<ref target="#an66_1">66, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Robert Langland:</hi> modern
scholars until very recently have spoken of this author as William Langland.
Professor Manly has lately (<emph>Modern Philology</emph>, iii. 359-366) combated 
the theory that <emph>Piers the Plowman</emph> was written by one man; cf. his 
articles in <emph>The Cambridge History of English Literature</emph>, ii.  1-41,
<pb n="320" xml:id="p1-320"/>
1908, and <emph>Modern Philology</emph>, vii. 83-144. His view is supported by 
Theophilus D. Hall in <emph>Mod. Lang. Rev.</emph>, iv. 1 ff. and <emph>Modern 
Philology</emph>, vii. 327 f. The older view is supported by Jusserand in 
<emph>Modern Philology</emph>, vi. 271-329, vii. 289-326. Cf H. Bradley,
<emph>Athenaum</emph>, Apr. 21, 1906, and R. W. Chambers,
<emph>Mod. Lang. Rev.</emph>, v. 1-32.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n66_3"/>
<ref target="#an66_3">66, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">for instance:</hi> the lines quoted 
correspond to B. ii. 7-13.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n66_7"/>
<ref target="#an66_7">66, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Worthylich:</hi> Mathias and the 
others print Worthlyith.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n66_25"/>
<ref target="#an66_25">66, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">altogether in meter:</hi> on 
Langland's metre see Skeat, ed. of 1886, ii. lviii ff.; F. Rosenthal, <emph>Die 
alliterierende engliiche Langzeile im xiv. Jahrhundert</emph>, Halle, 1877; 
Luick, "Die englische Stabreimzeile im xiv., xv., u. xvi. Jahrhundert,"
<emph>Anglia</emph>, xi. 429-43.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n67_7"/>
<ref target="#an67_7">67, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Death and Life:</hi> this and
<emph>Scottish Field</emph> are in the celebrated Percy Folio Ms. ed. by Hales and
Furnivall in 1867-68.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n67_12"/>
<ref target="#an67_12">67, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Thomas Piercy:</hi> 1728-82, bishop 
of Dromore, editor of the <emph>Reliques of Antient English Poetry</emph> and 
translator of Mallet's <emph>Northern Antiquities.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n68_6"/>
<ref target="#an68_6">68, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">P. Huet:</hi> Pierre-Daniel Huet 
(1630-1721), bishop of Avranches, member of the French Academy, well reputed 
as a mathematician, philosopher, theologian, philologist, and writer of Latin 
and Greek verse.  He likewise ascribed the beginnings of romance to the Arabs.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n71_5"/>
<ref target="#an71_5">71, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">De Contemptu Mundi:</hi> contains 
about 3000 lines; translated by J. M. Neale, 1851-62.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n71_6"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:71#an71_6">71, 6</ref>, 14. <hi rend="bold">Bernard:</hi> abbot of Cluny 
1122-56. G. Benard.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n71_12"/>
<ref target="#an71_12">71, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Leonine:</hi> the <emph>New
Eng. Dict.</emph>, conjectures that this is derived from some Leo (or Leonius)
who wrote in the measure, and refers to Du Cange's attempt to identify him.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n72_9"/>
<ref target="#an72_9">72, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Ubaldino the Florentine:</hi> cf. the 
quotation <ref target="#p1-63">64, 18 ff.</ref>
</p></div><div type="commentary"><head rend="center">Some Observations on the Use of Rhyme</head>
<p><anchor xml:id="n73_3"/>
<ref target="#an73_3">73, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Tenure of the manor of Cholmerand 
Dancing:</hi> printed in Thomas Blount's <emph>Fragmenta antiquitatis, or Antient 
Tenures of Land</emph>, new ed., York, 1784, pp. 328 ff. 22 lines.
<pb n="321" xml:id="p1-321"/>
<anchor xml:id="n73_10"/>
<ref target="#an73_10">73, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Cholmer:</hi> Blount has
Chelmer. <hi rend="bold">Dancing:</hi> now called Dengy.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n73_11"/>
<ref target="#an73_11">73, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Paperking:</hi> Blount has
Peperking.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n74_7"/>
<ref target="#an74_7">74, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Ancient Tenures, p. 102:</hi> in the 
ed. of 1784, pp. 329 f. 21 lines.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n74_12"/>
<ref target="#an74_12">74, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">about the age of Henry the
Third:</hi> Layamon's <emph>Brut</emph> is generally dated 1205. It contains 32,242 
lines. Mss. Cotton Caligula A ix and Otho C xiii, British Museum. Ed. by Sir 
Frederick Madden for the Society of Antiquaries, London, 1847.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n74_17"/>
<ref target="#an74_17">74, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lazamon:</hi> the <emph>z</emph> stands 
for the pothook, roughly equivalent to <emph>y</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n74_24"/>
<ref target="#an74_24">74, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">At Sifforde seten:</hi> from <emph>The 
Proverbs of Alfred</emph>, ed. by W. W. Skeat, Oxford, 1907. Skeat dates the 
poem 1205-10. Gray read it, as he indicates, in the Spelman copy of Ms. Cotton 
Galba A xix.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n74_30"/>
<ref target="#an74_30">74, 30</ref>. <hi rend="bold">near Oxford:</hi> rather the Seaford 
near Newhaven, on the south coast of Sussex; cf. Skeat's note.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n75_28"/>
<ref target="#an75_28">75, 28</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the same manuscript volume:</hi> 
Cotton Caligula A ix. Of this, the <emph>Brut</emph> occupies fol. 3-194; <emph>The 
Owl and the Nightingale</emph>, fol. 233 r.-246 r.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n75_30"/>
<ref target="#an75_30">75, 30</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"The Contention of the Owl and 
Nightingale":</hi> the latest edition is that of John E. Wells (Boston, 1907), 
who dates the poem 1216-25.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n75_31"/>
<ref target="#an75_31">75, 31</ref>. <hi rend="bold">seven syllables:</hi> rather eight 
or nine. The metre is octosyllabic, with or without a final unstressed 
syllable. Of the 1794 lines, from 195 to 200 lack the initial unstressed
syllable.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n76_1"/>
<ref target="#an76_1">76, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">snwe:</hi> Ms. <emph>supe</emph>,
i.e. <emph>swipe</emph>, "very."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n76_3"/>
<ref target="#an76_3">76, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">I herde:</hi> Ms. <emph>iherde</emph> from
O. E. <emph>geheren</emph>, "hear."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n76_7"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:76#an76_7">76, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">plait:</hi> "debate." <hi rend="bold">stare:</hi>
Gray is right; it should be <emph>starc</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n76_11"/>
<ref target="#an76_11">76, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">other agen other:</hi> Ms. Cotton 
Calig. A ix has aiper azen oper.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n76_13"/>
<ref target="#an76_13">76, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">whole mod:</hi> Ms. Cott. wole; Ms. 
Jesus Coll. vuele, "evil." 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n76_15"/>
<ref target="#an76_15">76, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">cust:</hi> "character."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n76_19"/>
<ref target="#an76_19">76, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">hure and hure:</hi> "at all events."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n76_23"/>
<ref target="#an76_23">76, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">On Death, etc.:</hi> this is the 
poem <emph>Long Life</emph> published
<pb n="322" xml:id="p1-322"/>
from two mss. by Morris in his <emph>Old English Miscellany</emph>, pp. 156 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n76_24"/>
<ref target="#an76_24">76, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Non:</hi> Ms. Jesus Coll. 29 reads
<emph>mon</emph> "man." 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n77_4"/>
<ref target="#an77_4">77, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">biwench:</hi> <emph>bipench</emph>
"bethink."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n77_26"/>
<ref target="#an77_26">77, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">told by Ekkehardus:</hi> in his 
<emph>Libri de casibus monasterii Sancti Galli</emph>, cap. 26.  This was ed. by
G. Meyer von Knonau, St. Gallen, 1877. The author is called Ekkehard IV. He
died about 1060.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n78_18"/>
<ref target="#an78_18">78, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Ethelbert, King of Kent:</hi> lived 
552-616.  His epitaph is:<quote>
<lg><l>Rex Æthelbertus hic clauditur in poliandro;</l> 
<l>Fana pians certus Christo meat absque meandro.</l> </lg></quote>
Quoted by Thomas of Elmham, <emph>Historia monasterii S. Augustini 
Cantuariensis</emph>, ed. Hardwick, 1858, p. 142.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n78_20"/>
<ref target="#an78_20">78, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Laurentius:</hi> d. 619. His
epitaph:<quote>
<lg><l>Hic sacra, Laurenti, sunt signa tui monumenti:</l>
<l>Tu quoque jucundus pater, antistesque secundus,</l> 
<l>Pro populo Christi scapulas dorsumque dedisti;</l> 
<l>Artubus hinc laceris multa vibice mederis.</l> </lg></quote>
Quoted by Thomas of Elmham, <emph>op. cit.</emph>, p. 149.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n78_21"/>
<ref target="#an78_21">78, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">by Weever:</hi> John Weever 
(1576-1632) of Queen's College, Cambridge. His <emph>Ancient Funerall
Monuments</emph> was published in London in 1631, folio.
</p></div><div type="commentary"><head rend="center">Additional Observations and Conjectures on Rhyme</head>
<p><anchor xml:id="n80_10"/>
<ref target="#an80_10">80, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">from <emph>Walen:</emph></hi> 
<emph>Walen</emph> is
now derived from O. E. <emph>wealh-</emph> "foreigner," O. H. G. <emph>walh-</emph>, 
cf. Low Lat. <emph>Volcae</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n81_21"/>
<ref target="#an81_21">81, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lewis Morris:</hi> lived 1700-65.
His <emph>Celtic Remains</emph>, completed in 1760, was published in 1878 in 
connection with the <emph>Archaeologia Cambrensis</emph>, ed. by Silvan Evans.
See the <emph>Dict. Nat. Biog.</emph>, xxxix. 101 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n83_16"/>
<ref target="#an83_16">83, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">no rhyme:</hi> cf. 
<ref target="#n58_1">the note to 58, 1</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n83_19"/>
<ref target="#an83_19">83, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">from their neighbours the
Britons:</hi> this view it now abandoned.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n84_9"/>
<ref target="#an84_9">84, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Athelstan's donation:</hi> this 
so-called charter, which
<pb n="323" xml:id="p1-323"/>
dates apparently from the time of Edward II., is printed with a translation 
in the <emph>Memorials of Beverley Minster</emph>, ii. 280-7 (Surtees Society 
108, Durham, 1903).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n84_11"/>
<ref target="#an84_11">84, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">granted to Earl Leofric:</hi> Gray 
apparently means <emph>by</emph>. In memory of the act by which Lady Godiva was 
said to have secured the freedom of Coventry (see Matthew of Westminster, an. 
1057, and Tennyson's <emph>Godiva</emph>), pictures of Leofric and Godiva were 
set up in a south window of Trinity Church, Coventry, about the time of 
Richard II. The earl held in his right hand a charter on which was
written,<quote> 
<lg><l>I Luriche for the love of thee</l><l>Doe make Coventre tol-free.</l></lg></quote>
Dugdale, <emph>Monasticon Anglicanum</emph>, iii. 177, n. k. Leofric was Earl of 
Mercia 1032-57; d. 1057.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n85_13"/>
<ref target="#an85_13">85, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">fragment of Caedmon:</hi> cf. 
<ref target="#an59_2">59, 2</ref>.
</p></div><div type="commentary"><head rend="center">Some Remarks on the Poems of John Lydgate</head>
<p><anchor xml:id="n87_17"/>
<ref target="#an87_17">87, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">in 1393:</hi> for the evidence cf. 
Schick's ed. of <emph>The Temple of Glas</emph>, p. lxxxvii.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n87_21"/>
<ref target="#an87_21">87, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Hatfield-Brodhook:</hi> now
Hatfield-Broadoak, or Hatfield Regis.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n89_11"/>
<ref target="#an89_11">89, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">King Arthur was not dead:</hi> this
idea survived even Gray's own time by at least a century. Cf. Sir J. Rhys,
<emph>Celtic Folklore, Welsh and Manx</emph>, ii. 458-64. As late as 1800 Arthur 
was believed in Cornwall to be still living in the form of a chough; cf. Edgar
MacCulloch in <emph>Notes and Queries</emph>, Dec. 24, 1853, 1st Ser., viii. 618.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n90_20"/>
<ref target="#an90_20">90, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dares Phrygius:</hi> a Trojan priest 
mentioned by Homer (<emph>Iliad</emph>, v. 9) who was said in the Middle Ages to 
have written a <emph>Historia de excidio Troiae</emph>, which, together with 
Dictys the Cretan's <emph>Ephemeris belli Troiani</emph>, forms the basis of
medieval romances on the fall of Troy.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n90_27"/>
<ref target="#an90_27">90, 27</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Gowere:</hi> cf. Chaucer's
dedication of <emph>Troilus and Criseyde</emph> (v. 1856 f.):<quote>
<lg><l>O moral Gower, this book I directe</l><l>To thee, and to the philosophical 
Strode.</l></lg></quote>
<pb n="324" xml:id="p1-324"/>
Concerning Ralph Strode, the schoolman and poet, who flourished in the latter 
part of the fourteenth century, see Gollancz's article in the <emph>Dict. Nat. 
Biog.</emph> Gollancz's view that Strode wrote <emph>The Pearl</emph> has not found 
favor.  
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n90_30"/>
<ref target="#an90_30">90, 30</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Richard Hermite:</hi> Richard
Rolle de Hampole (<emph>c.</emph> 1290-1349), the celebrated Yorkshire mystic.
<emph>The Prick of Conscience</emph> (9624 lines) was edited by Morris for the 
Philological Society in 1863.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n91_15"/>
<ref target="#an91_15">91, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">from the original Latin:</hi> on 
this subject see Emil Koeppel's Munich dissertation, <emph>Laurents de 
Premierfait und John Lydgates Bearbeitungen von Boccaccios De casibus virorum 
illustrium</emph>, 1885, pp. 37-46. Koeppel concludes that Lydgate knew the 
Latin original, but made very little use of it. For a summary of the contents, 
see Morley, <emph>English Writers</emph>, vi. 110-14.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n91_16"/>
<ref target="#an91_16">91, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Machabrees Daunce of Death:</hi> the 
<emph>Dance of Death</emph> was probably connected with the name of St. Macarius, 
the Egyptian anchorite, through his being represented as teaching the 
emptiness of life and the certainty of death to three youths out hunting; cf. 
Morley, <emph>English Writers</emph>, vi. 109.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n92_22"/>
<ref target="#an92_22">92, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"long processes":</hi> some of 
Shakespeare's comic characters, <emph>e. g.</emph>, the Nurse in <emph>Romeo and 
Juliet</emph> (i. 3. 16-57), reflect this love of leisurely proceeding. Cf. 
also Edward Biscuit's account of the death of Sir Roger de Coverley, <emph>The 
Spectator</emph>, Oct. 23, 1712. Professor Raleigh (<emph>The English Novel</emph>,
1894, p. 4) speaks of "the ambling monotony of the chanted recitations
concerning Sir Eglamour, Sir Perceval, and Sir Isumbras." Chaucer had his
laugh at the dreariness of these stories in <emph>Sir Thopas</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n93_26"/>
<ref target="#an93_26">93, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the father of circumstance:</hi> for 
a recent comprehensive criticism of Homer's style see Croiset-Heffelbower,
<emph>An Abridged History of Greek Literature</emph>, 1904, pp. 30 ff., 45 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n96_2"/>
<ref target="#an96_2">96, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">our ancient poets so voluminous:</hi> 
MacCracken (<emph>The Lydgate Canon</emph>, London Philological Soc'y, 1908, p. 
xxvii) concedes to Lydgate the authorship of 145,198 lines, mostly verse. Cf. 
Schick, Lydgate's <emph>Temple of Glas</emph>, 1891, p. clv. Of Chaucer's works 
there are extant about 55,150 lines.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n98_8"/>
<ref target="#an98_8">98, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">owe their first formation:</hi> this 
is true, of course, only of the literary speech.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n98_22"/>
<ref target="#an98_22">98, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the nearest to him:</hi> Bale says 
of Lydgate, in his
<pb n="325" xml:id="p1-325"/>
<emph>Catalogus</emph>: "Omnium sui temporis in Anglia poetarum, absit inuidia 
dicto, facilè primus floruit." Quoted by Schick, Lydgate's <emph>Temple 
of Glas</emph>, p. xi, n. 1.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n101_29"/>
<ref target="#an101_29">101, 29</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the fragment of Simonides:</hi> 
the <emph>Ode on Danae</emph>, in his <emph>De compositione verborum</emph>, chap. 
26.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n105_8"/>
<ref target="#an105_8">105, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">upon the women:</hi> cf. his 
<emph>Troy-Book</emph>, iii. 4270-4417.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n106_21"/>
<ref target="#an106_21">106, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">fellows of colleges:</hi> Gray 
here hits at the scandal-mongers of his own university.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n110_8"/>
<ref target="#an110_8">110, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">more frequent in Chaucer:</hi>
cf. the portrait of the Monk in the Prologue.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n111_12"/>
<ref target="#an111_12">111, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">cheerfulness:</hi> G. 
chearfulness.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n111_29"/>
<ref target="#an111_29">111, 29</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Doctor Machabrée:</hi> 
an amusing mistake of Gray's time; cf. <ref target="#n91_16">the note 
on 91, 16</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n112_24"/>
<ref target="#an112_24">112, 24</ref> ff. <hi rend="bold">Like a Midsomer Rose:</hi> 
also printed by Halliwell-Phillipps, <emph>The Minor Poems of Lydgate</emph>, 
London, 1840, pp. 22-26, from Ms. Jesus Coll. 56, Cambridge. Cf MacCracken, 
<emph>The Lydgate Canon</emph>, p. xix.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n115_1"/>
<ref target="#an115_1">115, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">eight poets:</hi> besides Sackville 
other contributors were William Baldwin, George Ferrers, Cavyll, Thomas Phaer, 
the translator of Virgil, John Skelton, Dolman, Thomas Churchyard, John 
Higgins, Thomas Blennerhasset, Michael Drayton, Richard Niccols, Francis 
Segar, and Dingley. Editions appeared in 1559 (ed. by Baldwin), 1563, 1571, 
1574 (ed. by Higgins), 1575 (reissue of Higgins's "First Parte"), 1578 ("The 
Second Parte," expanded by Blennerhasset), 1587 (ed. by Thomas Newton), 1610 
(ed. by Niccols), 1619 (re-issue of the ed. of 1610), and 1815 (ed. by Joseph 
Haslewood).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n115_7"/>
<ref target="#an115_7">115, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Where is now:</hi> on the <emph>ubi 
sunt?</emph> formula cf. J. W. Bright, <emph>M. L. Notes</emph>, viii. 94, F. 
Tupper, Jr., same, pp. 253 f.
</p></div><div type="commentary"><head rend="center">Samuel Daniel</head>
<p><anchor xml:id="n118_8"/>
<ref target="#an118_8">118, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">his youth was passed:</hi> Daniel 
lived from 1562 till 1619. Besides his prose <emph>History of England</emph> and 
his masques, he wrote little after 1603.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n118_18"/>
<ref target="#an118_18">118, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a pedantic admiration:</hi> this 
is perhaps as severe an arraignment of the tendency toward classicism as we 
meet with anywhere in Gray's writings.
<pb n="326" xml:id="p1-326"/>
<anchor xml:id="n118_23"/>
<ref target="#an118_23">118, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the expectations Spenser had 
raised:</hi><quote> 
<lg><l>And there is a new shepheard late up sprong,</l>
<l>The which doth all afore him far surpasse:</l> 
<l>Appearing well in that well tuned song</l> 
<l>Which late he sung unto a scornfull lasse.</l> 
<l>Yet doth his trembling Muse but lowly flie,</l> 
<l>As daring not too rashly mount on hight,</l> 
<l>And doth her tender plumes as yet but trie</l> 
<l>In loves soft laies and looser thoughts delight.</l> 
<l>Then rouze thy feathers quickly, Daniell,</l> 
<l>And to what course thou please thy selfe advance:</l> 
<l>But most, me seemes, thy accent will excell</l> 
<l>In tragick plaints and passionate mischance.</l></lg>  
<bibl rend="indent"><emph>Colin Clouts Come Home Again</emph> (1595), ll. 416-27.</bibl>
</quote>
The "well tuned song" is <emph>Delia</emph> (1592); the last two lines refer to 
<emph>The Complaint of Rosamond</emph> (1592).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n120_11"/>
<ref target="#an120_11">120, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Marino:</hi> Giambattista Marino 
or Marini (1569-1625). His inflated style became known by the name of 
<emph>Marinism</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n120_14"/>
<ref target="#an120_14">120, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Seneca for a model:</hi> in his 
<emph>Cleopatra</emph> (1594) and <emph>Philotas</emph> (1605).
</p></div><div type="commentary"><head rend="center">Selections from the Letters</head>
<p><anchor xml:id="n122_1"/>
<ref target="#an122_1">122, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Richard West:</hi> born in 1716, 
the son of Richard West, playwright and Lord Justice of Ireland, and grandson 
of Bishop Burnet. At Eton he was one of the "Quadruple Alliance" with Ashton, 
Gray, and Walpole, and was called Favonius. He was at Christ Church, Oxford, 
1735-8, then began to read law at the Inner Temple, but afterward thought of 
going into the army; ill health prevented him and he died of consumption on 
June 1, 1742.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n122_13"/>
<ref target="#an122_13">122, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lord Waldegrave's:</hi> James, 
first Earl Waldegrave (1685-1741), succeeded Sir Horatio Walpole as ambassador 
and minister-plenipotentiary at Paris in 1730.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n122_15"/>
<ref target="#an122_15">122, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">four acts:</hi> "The French opera 
has only three acts, but often a prologue on a different subject, which (as 
Mr. Walpole informs me, who saw it at the same time) was the case in this 
very representation." Mason.
<pb n="327" xml:id="p1-327"/>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n122_22"/>
<ref target="#an122_22">122, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the story of Nireus:</hi> the 
handsomest of the Greeks at Troy; slain by Æneas or Eurypylus
(<emph>Iliad</emph>, ii. 671; Diodorus, v. 53).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n123_10"/>
<ref target="#an123_10">123, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Baucis and Philemon:</hi> Ovid, 
<emph>Metamorphoses</emph>, viii. 611-724.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n123_15"/>
<ref target="#an123_15">123, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Iphis and Ianthe:</hi> Ovid,
<emph>Metam.</emph>, ix. 665 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n123_20"/>
<ref target="#an123_20">123, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Farinelli:</hi> "Carlo Broschi
(probably took the name Farinclli from his uncle the composer) was in England
during the years 1734, 1735, and 1736. Gray had no doubt heard him. He is
depicted singing at the lady's <emph>toilette</emph> in the fourth plate of 
Hogarth's <emph>Marriage à la mode.</emph>" Tovey also quotes Burney, 
<emph>History of Music</emph>, iv. 379, as saying that no other singer of the 
18th century was gifted with a voice of such uncommon power, sweetness, 
extent, and agility.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n123_26"/>
<ref target="#an123_26">123, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mahomet Second:</hi> by 
Jean-Baptiste Sauvé, dit dela Noue (1701-60), an actor and
dramatist. It had great success.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n124_1"/>
<ref target="#an124_1">124, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mademoiselle Gaussin:</hi>
Jeanne-Catherine Gaussem, called Gaussin (1711-67); her success dates from
her appearance in the rôle of Zaïre on August 13, 1732. Voltaire 
was captivated by her acting.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n124_5"/>
<ref target="#an124_5">124, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dufrêne:</hi> Abraham-Alexis 
Quinault-Dufresne (1690-1767) made his first appearance on the stage at the 
Comédie Française in 1712. "He was especially famous in the 
character of le Glorieux, in the comedy of that name by Destouches." Tovey. 
On his retirement he received a pension of a thousand livres.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n124_8"/>
<ref target="#an124_8">124, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Philosophe marié:</hi> 
by Philippe Nericault Destouches (1680-1754); it was based on an incident in 
his own life.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n124_9"/>
<ref target="#an124_9">124, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mademoiselle Quinault:</hi> 
Jeanne-Françoise Quinault, la cadette (1699-1783), sister of the 
Dufresne mentioned above. She acted 1718-41. The family produced several 
celebrated players.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n124_10"/>
<ref target="#an124_10">124, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mrs. Clive's way:</hi> Catherine 
Raftor (1711-85), known as Catherine or Kitty Clive. She became famous as a 
comic actress, but never succeeded in tragic rôles. Of her Johnson said 
to Boswell, "Clive, sir, is a good thing to sit by; she always understands 
what you say. In the sprightliness of humour I have never seen her equalled."
<pb n="328" xml:id="p1-328"/>
<anchor xml:id="n124_11"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:124#an124_11">124, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Monsieur Grandval:</hi> 
Charles-François Racot de Grandval (1710-84), actor and playwright, 
author of several witty but immoral comic operas. <hi rend="bold">Wilks:</hi> Robert Wilks 
(<emph>c.</emph> 1665-1732), who acted the part of Juba in Addison's <emph>Cato</emph>
and who was connected with the management of the Hay market and Drury Lane
Theatres. He was especially celebrated as a comedian.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n124_18"/>
<ref target="#an124_18">124, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Gustavus Vasa":</hi> a play by 
Henry Brooke (<emph>c.</emph> 1703-83), prohibited by the Lord Chamberlain under 
Sir Robert Walpole's Act for Licensing Plays. In consequence Johnson wrote 
<emph>A Complete Vindication of the Licensers of the Stage</emph>. As <emph>The
Patriot</emph> it was successfully produced in London.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n125_3"/>
<ref target="#an125_3">125, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mademoiselle Dumenil:</hi>
Marie Françoise Marchand, called Dumesnil (1713-1803), who acted at the
Comédie Française 1737-76; one of the greatest if not the 
greatest of French tragic actresses. Her only rival was Mlle. Clairon.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n126_15"/>
<ref target="#an126_15">126, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a huge heap of littleness:</hi> 
borrowed from Pope's description of Timon's villa, <emph>Moral Essays</emph>,
iv. 109. Walpole, writing also to West, speaks of "the great front" as "a
lumber of littleness."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n127_13"/>
<ref target="#an127_13">127, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Latona:</hi> Leto, mother of 
Apollo and Artemis. Homer's <emph>Hymn to Apollo</emph>, 14 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n128_10"/>
<ref target="#an128_10">128, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">in usum Delphini:</hi> for the
use of the Dauphin.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n128_14"/>
<ref target="#an128_14">128, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Cambis:</hi> Marquis de 
Cambis-Velleron (1706-72), lieutenant-general of the Pope in France.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n128_16"/>
<ref target="#an128_16">128, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">King, Queen, Dauphin,
Mesdames:</hi> Louis XV. (1710-74), Queen Maria (Leczinska, of Poland, 1703-68),
their son Louis (1729-65), and their daughters, of whom there were eight in
all, the seven living at this time ranging in age from eleven to less than two
years. See É de Barthelemy, <emph>Mesdames de France, filles de Louis
XV.</emph>, Paris, 1870.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n128_25"/>
<ref target="#an128_25">128, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Britannicus:</hi> Racine's play 
(1669), on which Gray modeled his <emph>Agrippina</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n128_27"/>
<ref target="#an128_27">128, 27</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Phaedra and Hippolitus:</hi> 
Racine's <emph>Phèdre et Hippolyte</emph> (1677).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n129_3"/>
<ref target="#an129_3">129, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Crebillon's Letters:</hi> 
Claude-Prosper Jolyot de Crébillon (1707-77), published in 1732
<emph>Lettres de la marquise de M . . . au comté R.</emph> Gray probably 
saw the 2d ed. (1738).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n129_4"/>
<ref target="#an129_4">129, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">one Bougeant:</hi>
Guillaume-Hyacinthe Bougeant
<pb n="329" xml:id="p1-329"/>
(1690-1743) had just published <emph>L'amusement philosophique sur le langage 
des bêtes</emph>, which went through a dozen editions and was translated 
into English, German, and Italian, and which caused Bougeant's banishment to 
La Flèche.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n129_13"/>
<ref target="#an129_13">129, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Grande Chartreuse:</hi> 
fourteen miles north of Grenoble, in the valley of the Guiers, 3205 feet 
above the sea. Here St. Bruno (1030-1101) in 1084 founded the Order of the
Carthusians. The beautiful <emph>Alcaic Ode</emph> written by Gray in 1741, on 
his second visit, should be compared with Matthew Arnold's <emph>Stanzas from 
the Grande Chartreuse</emph> as illustrating the similarity of and the 
difference between the two men in respect to the appeal the place made to 
them. With this letter cf. Walpole's <emph>Letters</emph>, ed. Mrs. Toynbee, 
i. 30 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n130_3"/>
<ref target="#an130_3">130, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Abelard and Heloïse:</hi>
no special reason for remembering them is evident, unless it be their
retirement to St. Denis and Argenteuil respectively. Peter Abelard (1079-1142)
was born at Palais near Nantes and passed his life in Paris and Northern
France. Heloïse, whose tragic story is inseparably linked with that of 
the great scholastic philosopher, lived <emph>c.</emph> 1101-64, chiefly in Paris 
and at Argenteuil.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n130_22"/>
<ref target="#an130_22">130, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Nives coelo, etc.:</hi> Livy,
xxi. 32.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n131_2"/>
<ref target="#an131_2">131, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">carries the permission:</hi> a 
phrase borrowed from Madame de Sevigné, who quotes a <emph>bon mot</emph> on
Pelisson, "qu'il abusoit de la permission qu'ont les hommes, d'être 
laids." Mason.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n131_8"/>
<ref target="#an131_8">131, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">can be tedious:</hi> West had 
written (March 25), "His Pannonian sedition in the first book of his annals, 
which is just as far as I have got, seemed to me a little tedious."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n132_4"/>
<ref target="#an132_4">132, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Satis constabat, etc.:</hi> end of
chap. 43.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n132_9"/>
<ref target="#an132_9">132, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Dunciad:</hi> bk. iv., 
published in 1742.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n133_13"/>
<ref target="#an133_13">133, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">grave discourses:</hi> Mason 
thought that Gray here had in mind Francis Hutcheson (1694-1746), whose
<emph>Inquiry into the Original of Our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue</emph>
(1725) had procured him the professorship of moral philosophy at Glasgow. He
agreed with Shaftesbury in finding an analogy between the sense of beauty and
the moral sense. He emphasized the importance of calm benevolence. "Of all
the patrons of this system [which makes virtue consist in benevolence], the
late Dr. Hutcheson was undoubtedly beyond all comparison, the most acute,
the
<pb n="330" xml:id="p1-330"/>
most distinct, the most philosophical, and what is of the greatest
consequence of all, the soberest and most judicious." Adam Smith, <emph>Treatise
on the Theory of Moral Sentiments</emph>, 4th ed., 1774, p. 361.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n133_14"/>
<ref target="#an133_14">133, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">paradisiacal pleasures:</hi> 
West's reply was: "I rejoice you found amusement in <emph>Joseph Andrews</emph>. 
But then I think your conceptions of Paradise a little upon
the Bergerac." Tovey, <emph>Gray and His Friends</emph>, p. 162. The reference 
is to Cyrano de Bergerac.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n133_17"/>
<ref target="#an133_17">133, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Marivaux:</hi> Pierre Carlet de 
Chamblain de Marivaux (1688-1763). On Nov. 19, 1765, Walpole wrote to Gray 
from Paris: "Crébillon is entirely out of fashion, and Marivaux a 
proverb. <emph>Marivauder</emph> and <emph>Marivaudage</emph> are established terms 
for being prolix and tiresome."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n134_12"/>
<ref target="#an134_12">134, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">museful mopings:</hi> <emph>Palamon
and Arcite</emph>, i. 541 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n134_13"/>
<ref target="#an134_13">134, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">trim of love:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>,
540. <hi rend="bold">pleasant beverage:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>, ii. 15.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n134_14"/>
<ref target="#an134_14">134, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a roundelay of love:</hi>
<emph>id.</emph>, ii. 78. <hi rend="bold">stood silent in his mood:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>, ii. 328.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n134_15"/>
<ref target="#an134_15">134, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">with knots and knares
deformed:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>, ii. 536. <hi rend="bold">his ireful mood:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>,
ii. 582.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n134_16"/>
<ref target="#an134_16">134, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">in proud array:</hi>
<emph>id.</emph>, iii. 61. <hi rend="bold">his boon was granted:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>, iii. 187.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n134_17"/>
<ref target="#an134_17">134, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">and disarray and shameful
rout:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>, iii. 304. <hi rend="bold">wayward but wise:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>,
iii. 385. 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n134_18"/>
<ref target="#an134_18">134, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">furbished for the field:</hi>
<emph>id.</emph>, iii. 446. <hi rend="bold">the foiled dodderd oaks:</hi> Gray apparently wrote 
or intended to write <emph>felled</emph>; <emph>id.</emph>, iii. 905,
907. <hi rend="bold">disherited:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>, iii. 968.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n134_19"/>
<ref target="#an134_19">134, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">smouldering flames:</hi>
<emph>id.</emph>, iii. 980. <hi rend="bold">retchless of laws:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>, iii. 1074.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n134_20"/>
<ref target="#an134_20">134, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">crones old and ugly:</hi> <emph>The 
Wife of Bath's Tale</emph>, 126. <hi rend="bold">the beldam at his side:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>,
261.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n134_21"/>
<ref target="#an134_21">134, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the grandam-hag:</hi>
<emph>id.</emph>, 312. <hi rend="bold">villanize his Father's fame:</hi> <emph>id.</emph>, 405.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n135_4"/>
<ref target="#an135_4">135, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">But I, that am, etc.:</hi>
<emph>Richard III</emph>, i. 1. 14-21.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n135_19"/>
<ref target="#an135_19">135, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">silken son of dalliance,
etc.:</hi> see <emph>Agrippina</emph>, 98, 103 f., 134, 16 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n136_15"/>
<ref target="#an136_15">136, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Davanzati:</hi> Bernardo Davanzati
(1529-1606), a celebrated Florentine scholar.
<pb n="331" xml:id="p1-331"/>
<anchor xml:id="n136_21"/>
<ref target="#an136_21">136, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">prayers to the May:</hi> refers
to West's five stanzas beginning "Dear Gray, that still within my heart 
Possessest far the better part!" printed by Tovey in <emph>Gray and His
Friends</emph>, pp. 165 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n137_14"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:137#an137_14">137, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Broukhusius:</hi> Jean van 
Broekhuizen (1649-1707), soldier, Latin poet, and editor of the works of 
Propertius, his favorite author (1702). On May 5 West had written, "I am only 
sorry you follow the blunders of Broukhusius, all whose insertions are 
nonsense." <hi rend="bold">Scaliger:</hi> Julius Caesar Scaliger (1484-1558), in his
<emph>Poetics</emph>, vi. 7.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n137_16"/>
<ref target="#an137_16">137, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">in sad condition:</hi> after 
these words Mason omitted some criticism of West's elegy.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n137_22"/>
<ref target="#an137_22">137, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Peloponnesian war:</hi> in 
Thucydides.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n138_3"/>
<ref target="#an138_3">138, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">three lines in Anacreon:</hi>
<emph>Odes</emph>, i. 29, on the portrait of Bathyllus. "Make his locks to curl
without restraint and let them lie as they will."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n138_10"/>
<ref target="#an138_10">138, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Sigilla in mento, etc.:</hi> from 
Varro's <emph>Papiapapae</emph>, iv. Riese reads <emph>Laculla</emph> (for
<emph>Sigilla</emph>) and <emph>demonstrat</emph>. Quoted by Nonius Marcellus in his 
<emph>De honestis veterum dictis, s. v. mollitudinem.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n138_12"/>
<ref target="#an138_12">138, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">John Chute:</hi> lived 1701-76. 
He was educated at Eton. Between 1722 and 1754 he lived chiefly on the 
Continent. He met Gray and Walpole at Casa Ambrosio, Horace Mann's house in 
Florence, in 1740. Tovey says, "He was a man of taste and culture, — 
there is a quiet and graceful pleasantry in his recorded <emph>bons mots</emph>." 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n138_13"/>
<ref target="#an138_13">138, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Mann:</hi> Horace Mann
(1701-86), then British minister at Florence; an intimate friend of Horace
Walpole, with whom he corresponded (for publication) for forty-four years. In
1755 he was created a baronet.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n138_21"/>
<ref target="#an138_21">138, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Middleton:</hi> Dr. Conyers 
Middleton (1683-1750) in 1741 published a <emph>Life of Cicero</emph>, a part of 
which he is said to have plagiarized from William Bellenden.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n138_22"/>
<ref target="#an138_22">138, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Sofa:</hi> <emph>Le Sopha,
conte moral</emph> (1742), by the younger Crébillon, "which does not 
strictly justify its subtitle."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n139_1"/>
<ref target="#an139_1">139, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Garrick:</hi> Walpole likewise 
"opposed" Garrick; see his letter to Mann, May 26, 1742.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n139_5"/>
<ref target="#an139_5">139, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Pergolesi's songs:</hi> Giovanni 
Battista Pergolese
<pb n="332" xml:id="p1-332"/>
(1710-36) was an eminent composer of the Neapolitan school, in his own day 
something of a failure, but more highly valued afterward. Gray was an eager 
student of his music and made collections of it with the works of Palestrina, 
Leo, Marcello, and others.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n139_7"/>
<ref target="#an139_7">139, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Galuppi's:</hi> Baldassare Galuppi 
(1706-85), called "the father of Italian comic opera." Cf Browning, <emph>A 
Toccata of Galuppi's.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n139_11"/>
<ref target="#an139_11">139, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Pescetti's:</hi>
Giambattista Pescetti, a prolific Venetian composer, d. 1758, He lived in
London three years.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n139_13"/>
<ref target="#an139_13">139, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">My Lady of Queensbury:</hi> 
Catherine Douglas, wife of the third Duke of Queensberry (d. 1777), celebrated 
for her beauty and eccentricity, the friend of many literary men.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n139_14"/>
<ref target="#an139_14">139, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">my Lady of Marlborough:</hi> 
Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough (1660-1744), whose <emph>Memoirs</emph> 
appeared in 1742.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n139_19"/>
<ref target="#an139_19">139, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Glover's:</hi> Richard Glover 
(1712-85), a first cousin of Gray's friend West, and a poet, merchant, and
M. P. (1761-68); besides much trash he wrote one ballad, <emph>Hosier's
Ghost</emph>, which is still remembered. <emph>Boadicea</emph> was performed at 
Drury Lane for nine nights in December, 1753.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n140_4"/>
<ref target="#an140_4">140, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">[Greek word (omitted)], etc.:</hi> 
"Reverencing the sacred grove, abounding in game, of the far-darting Queen, 
leave, O hunter, the groves of the fearful goddess. Then the baying of the 
divine hounds alone resounds there; thou sounding in answer to the music of 
the wild Nymphs." For [Greek word (omitted)] cf. Theocritus, Ep. vi. 5, 
[Greek word (omitted)].
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n140_9"/>
<ref target="#an140_9">140, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">an Heroic Epistle:</hi>
<emph>Sophonisba ad Massinissam</emph>, which Gray appended.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n141_17"/>
<ref target="#an141_17">141, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">young friend:</hi> Dr. Mark 
Akenside (1721-70), whose poem, <emph>The Pleasures of the Imagination</emph>, 
begun in 1738, was accepted by Dodsley on Pope's recommendation and published 
in January, 1744. It was highly praised in general, though both Gray and 
Warburton saw defects.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n142_9"/>
<ref target="#an142_9">142, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Hutchinson-Jargon:</hi> see the 
<ref target="#n133_13">note on 133, 13</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n142_12"/>
<ref target="#an142_12">142, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">à la Mode du Temple:</hi> 
an example of the critical methods of the lawyers of the Temple is
related by Walpole in his letter to Mann, March 11, 1748 : "There has been
a new comedy, called <emph>The Foundling</emph> [by Edward Moore]; Lord Hobart
<pb n="333" xml:id="p1-333"/>
and some more young men made a party to damn it, merely for the love of 
damnation. The Templars espoused the play, and went armed with Syringes 
charged with stinking oil, and with sticking plaisters; but it did not come 
to action."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n142_16"/>
<ref target="#an142_16">142, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Enthusiast:</hi> <emph>The 
Enthusiast, or The Lover of Nature</emph>, which Joseph Warton wrote in 1740. 
Cf. <ref target="#an144_3">144, 3</ref>, and <ref target="#n144_3">the note</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n142_18"/>
<ref target="#an142_18">142, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Health:</hi> <emph>The Art of
Preserving Health</emph>, 1744, by John Armstrong (1709-79), a Scotch physician 
and poet. Mr. Bullen says of it, "No writer of the eighteenth century had so
masterful a grasp of blank verse as is shown in parts of this poem"
(<emph>Dict. Nat. Biog.</emph>, ii. 95).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n142_23"/>
<ref target="#an142_23">142, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Fraigneau:</hi> William 
Fraigneau (1717-88) became M.A. of Trinity College in 1743 and was professor 
of Greek 1744-50, succeeding Walter Taylor, who died Feb. 25, 1744. Alsager 
Vian (<emph>D. N. B.</emph>, xx. 158) gives the date of Fraigneau's election as 
1743; this is O. S.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n143_3"/>
<ref target="#an143_3">143, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the twentieth Year of the War:</hi>
Thucydides, bk. vii.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n143_6"/>
<ref target="#an143_6">143, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Xenophon, or Plutarch:</hi> 
"Meaning, I think, how do you relish Xenophon (his account of the Retreat of 
the Ten Thousand), or Plutarch (<emph>e. g.</emph>, his <emph>Nicias</emph>),
after Thucydides?" Tovey.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n144_3"/>
<ref target="#an144_3">144, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Warton:</hi> Joseph Warton 
(1722-1800), elder brother of Thomas Warton, and headmaster of Winchester 
College 1766-93.  His <emph>Odes on Various Subjects</emph> were published in 
December, 1746, by Dodsley, and reached a second edition. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Collins:</hi> 
William Collins (1721-59) was a schoolmate of Warton at Cambridge. His
<emph>Odes</emph> (dated 1747) were published in December, 1746, by Millar. He 
and Warton intended a joint publication, but apparently could not find a 
publisher. Collins is said by Langhorne to have burnt the unsold copies of 
his <emph>Odes</emph>. Posterity has not sustained Gray's opinion of Collins.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n144_14"/>
<ref target="#an144_14">144, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Cibber's book:</hi> <emph>The 
Character and Conduct of Cicero Considered from the History of His Life by 
the Rev. Dr. Middleton</emph>, London, 1747, by the dramatist Colley Cibber 
(1671-1757).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n144_17"/>
<ref target="#an144_17">144, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mrs. Letitia Pilkington's:</hi> 
this adventuress
<pb n="334" xml:id="p1-334"/>
(1712-50) seems to have charmed Cibber, and wrote a poem to him about the 
<emph>Cicero</emph>; cf. her <emph>Memoirs</emph>, 3d ed., 1754, iii. 82.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n145_3"/>
<ref target="#an145_3">145, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Waterland:</hi> Daniel 
Waterland (1683-1740), a learned and trenchant champion of orthodoxy. From 
1730 until his death he was archdeacon of Middlesex and vicar of Twickenham.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n145_10"/>
<ref target="#an145_10">145, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Doctor's recommendation:</hi> 
Middleton's book was highly laudatory. Cibber justified his treatment of 
Cicero's weaknesses by observing that "David, the very man after God's own 
heart, has not the least veil thrown over his sins or frailties, but
that they are as copiously laid open as his piety and virtues."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n145_23"/>
<ref target="#an145_23">145, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Spence's pretty book:</hi> 
<emph>Polymetis, or An Enquiry concerning the Agreement between the Works of 
the Roman Poets and the Remains of the Antient Artists, being an Attempt to 
Illustrate Them Mutually from one another</emph>, London, 1747, folio. The 
author, Joseph Spence (1699-1768), succeeded Thomas Warton as professor of 
poetry at Oxford (1728-38). <emph>Polymetis</emph> paid him £1500.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n148_9"/>
<ref target="#an148_9">148, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a little conversant:</hi> our 
idiom requires, (but) little conversant.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n148_27"/>
<ref target="#an148_27">148, 27</ref>. <hi rend="bold">our Laurel:</hi> The laurel was 
imported into Europe by the botanist Clusius, about the year 1590, from 
Trebizond. The orange was certainly unknown to Virgil, having been brought 
from Ispahan at a much later period. Whitaker's ms. note, quoted by Mitford.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n149_24"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:149#an149_24">149, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Lyttleton's elegy:</hi>
the <emph>Monody</emph> on the death of his wife (formerly Miss Lucy Fortescue) 
published by Lord Lyttelton (1709-73) in 1747. Walpole's criticism has 
apparently not been preserved. <hi rend="bold">kids and fawns:</hi> stanza vi begins:
<quote>
<lg><l>Sweet babes, who, like the little playful Fawns,</l> 
<l>Were wont to trip along these verdant lawns.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n150_11"/>
<ref target="#an150_11">150, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Your epistle:</hi> <emph>An Epistle 
from Florence to T[homas] A[shton], Esq.</emph> In Walpole's <emph>Works</emph>, 
i. 4. A poem of about 375 lines, written in 1740.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n150_25"/>
<ref target="#an150_25">150, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Nugent:</hi> Robert Craggs, Earl 
Nugent (1702-88), a wealthy politician and poet, later patron of Goldsmith.
<pb n="335" xml:id="p1-335"/>
<anchor xml:id="n150_26"/>
<ref target="#an150_26">150, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">G. West:</hi> Gilbert West
(1703-56), who was to translate Pindar's <emph>Odes</emph> (1749), which his 
father had edited (1697).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n151_2"/>
<ref target="#an151_2">151, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">one of Mr. West's:</hi> <emph>A 
Monody on the Death of Queen Caroline</emph>, printed also by Tovey in <emph>Gray 
and Hit Friends</emph>, pp. 110-114.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n151_5"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:151#an151_5">151, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Archibald Bower:</hi> lived 
1686-1766; twice joined and withdrew from the Jesuit order; had a very shady 
career. The <emph>History</emph> appeared in seven volumes, beginning in 1751; 
the earlier part at least was a mere translation of
Tillemont. <hi rend="bold">Professor.</hi> G. Professour.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n151_21"/>
<ref target="#an151_21">151, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the account of the 
Gold-Mines:</hi> bk. iii., chaps. 12 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n151_24"/>
<ref target="#an151_24">151, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Gresset:</hi> Jean Baptiste Louis 
Gresset (1709-77); educated by the Jesuits, he became a celebrated poet, and 
in 1748 entered the Academy. <emph>Le Méchant</emph> appeared in 1747;
<emph>Vert-Vert</emph> in 1734; <emph>Sidnei</emph>, in 1745.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n152_9"/>
<ref target="#an152_9">152, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Castle of Indolence:</hi> 
published in May, 1748.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n152_10"/>
<ref target="#an152_10">152, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Mason:</hi> William Mason 
(1724-97), who became Gray's devoted friend and biographer. A voluminous poet, 
he also composed church music, and invented the celestina. Gray here refers 
to the <emph>Ode to a Water-Nymph</emph>, published about this time in Dodsley's 
<emph>Miscellany</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n152_20"/>
<ref target="#an152_20">152, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Dodsley's book:</hi> <emph>A 
Collection of Poems by Several Hands, in Three Volumes</emph>, 1748. Commonly 
called the <emph>Miscellany</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n153_6"/>
<ref target="#an153_6">153, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a State-poem:</hi> <emph>On the 
Prospect of Peace</emph>, praised by Addison in <emph>The Spectator</emph>, No. 523, 
Oct. 30, 1712; written by Thomas Tickell (1686-1740).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n153_17"/>
<ref target="#an153_17">153, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">his ballad:</hi> <emph>Colin and 
Lucy</emph>, beginning, "Of Leinster fam'd for maidens fair," also in the 
<emph>Collection</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n153_19"/>
<ref target="#an153_19">153, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">M. Green:</hi> Matthew
Green "of the Custom House" (1696-1737), a poet whom Gray consistently
admired, wrote <emph>The Grotto</emph>, 1732, and <emph>The Spleen</emph>, 1737. 
He was a charming writer of octosyllabic verse, dealing with homely themes 
in a Dutch spirit of neatness. Gosse. This letter concludes with a transcript 
of one of his poems.
<pb n="336" xml:id="p1-336"/>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n153_24"/>
<ref target="#an153_24">153, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">The "School Mistress":</hi> by 
William Shenstone (1714-63), said to have been "written at college, 1736"; 
first published in 1742. An imitation of Spenser.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n153_26"/>
<ref target="#an153_26">153, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"London":</hi> by Johnson; 
reprinted from the ed. of 1738.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n154_1"/>
<ref target="#an154_1">154, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Dyer:</hi> John Dyer
(<emph>c.</emph> 1700-1758), author of <emph>Grongar Hill</emph> and <emph>The Ruins of
Rome</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n154_5"/>
<ref target="#an154_5">154, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Bramston:</hi> Rev. James 
Bramston (<emph>c.</emph> 1694-1744) wrote <emph>The Art of Politicks</emph>, <emph>The
Man of Taste</emph>, etc.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n154_9"/>
<ref target="#an154_9">154, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Nugent:</hi> Earl Nugent was 
suspected of paying Mallet to write his best Ode, that addressed to [William] 
Pulteney, his later and obviously unaided efforts being contemptible. Gosse.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n154_11"/>
<ref target="#an154_11">154, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Whitehead's:</hi> William
Whitehead (1715- 85), poet laureate from 1757 on.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n154_27"/>
<ref target="#an154_27">154, 27</ref>. <hi rend="bold">your Epistle:</hi> see <ref target="#an150_11">150, 11</ref>, and <ref target="#n150_11">the 
note</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n155_12"/>
<ref target="#an155_12">155, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the beauties:</hi> <emph>The 
Beauties, an Epistle to Mr. Eckardt, the Painter</emph>, written by Walpole 
in July, 1746.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n155_14"/>
<ref target="#an155_14">155, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Lowth:</hi> probably Robert 
Lowth (1710-87), professor of poetry at Oxford 1741-50 and in 1777 created 
bishop of London. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Ridley:</hi> probably Glocester Ridley (1702-74), 
fellow of New College, Oxford, 1724-34, a miscellaneous writer. <hi rend="bold">Mr. 
Rolle:</hi> unidentified; in the 5th ed. (1758) at least, his name is
not attached to any poem; and this is true also of Lowth, Ridley, and Seward.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n155_15"/>
<ref target="#an155_15">155, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Reverend Mr. Brown:</hi> 
Tovey thinks this is the John Brown (1715-66) whose <emph>Estimate of the 
Manners and Principles of the Times</emph> appeared in 1757; see <ref target="#p1-185">p. 185</ref>. He committed suicide; see Gray to Mason, 
Oct. 5, 1766. <hi rend="bold">Seward:</hi>
Thomas Seward (1708-90), a clergyman, editor of Beaumont and Fletcher; of him
Coleridge, in his <emph>Lectures on Shakespeare</emph>, exclaimed, "Mr. Seward! 
Mr. Seward! you may be, and I trust you are, an angel, but you were an ass!"
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n155_18"/>
<ref target="#an155_18">155, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the sickly Peer:</hi> Lord 
Hervey, in his <emph>Epistle to Mr. Fox from Hampton Court, 1731</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n155_24"/>
<ref target="#an155_24">155, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. S. Jenyns:</hi> in <emph>An 
Essay on Virtue</emph>. Soame Jenyns (1704-87) was a voluminous but generally 
superficial writer.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n155_28"/>
<ref target="#an155_28">155, 28</ref>. <hi rend="bold">an Ode:</hi> <emph>To a
Water-Nymph</emph>.
<pb n="337" xml:id="p1-337"/>
<anchor xml:id="n156_7"/>
<ref target="#an156_7">156, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lady Mary:</hi> Lady Mary Wortley 
Montagu.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n156_11"/>
<ref target="#an156_11">156, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Sir T. Fitz-Osborne's
Letters:</hi> written by William Melmoth (1710-99) and published in 1742 under 
the pen-name of Sir Thomas Fitz-Osborne. Melmoth was a popular translator of 
Cicero and Pliny.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n156_16"/>
<ref target="#an156_16">156, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Edward:</hi> Gresset's <emph>Edouard
III.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n157_13"/>
<ref target="#an157_13">157, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the President Montesquieu's:</hi>
Montesquieu (1689-1755) was president of the Parlement of Bordeaux from 1716 
till 1726. Gray's criticism in every way stands the test of time.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n158_17"/>
<ref target="#an158_17">158, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Catilina:</hi> played Dec. 10,
1748. Prosper Jolyot de Crébillon, the elder, lived 1674-1762, and was 
the bitter rival of Voltaire.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n159_4"/>
<ref target="#an159_4">159, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Travels in Egypt:</hi> <emph>Voyage 
d'Égypte et de Nubie</emph>, written by the Danish artist-traveller 
Friderik Ludvig Norden (1708-42), captain in the Danish Royal Navy; translated 
into French partly by the author, partly, it is said, by Des Roches de 
Parthenay (Copenhagen, 1755, 2 volumes, folio, 159 plates), and into English 
by Dr. Peter Templeman (London, 1757, folio).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n159_12"/>
<ref target="#an159_12">159, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Birch:</hi> Rev. Thomas Birch 
(1705-66), a voluminous antiquary, historian, and biographer. Gray refers to 
his <emph>Historical View of Negotiations between the Courts of England, France, 
and Brussels, 1592-1617</emph>, published in 1749, 8vo, pp. xxiv, 529. Carew's 
account occupies pp. 413-528.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n160_2"/>
<ref target="#an160_2">160, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mason's Ode:</hi> <emph>Ode performed 
in the Senate House in Cambridge, July 1st, 1749, at the Installation of His 
Grace Thomas Holles, Duke of Newcastle, Chancellor of the University</emph>. It 
was set to music by William Boyce, composer to the King.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n160_23"/>
<ref target="#an160_23">160, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a book:</hi> <emph>A Dissertation on
2 Peter i. 19, in which it is shewn that the Interpretation of this Passage
. . . as it is proposed by the Author of the Grounds and Reasons of the 
Christian Religion <emph>[Anthony Collins]</emph> is not probably the Sense of the 
Author</emph>, etc., 8vo, London, 1750. The book completed the rupture between 
Walpole, a partisan of Middleton's, and Ashton.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n161_11"/>
<ref target="#an161_11">161, 11</ref> ff. <hi rend="bold">[Greek words (omitted)]:</hi> 
"Distances do not destroy friendship absolutely, they only destroy its active 
exercise. Still, if the absence be prolonged, it is supposed to work oblivion 
of the friendship itself; 
<pb n="338" xml:id="p1-338"/>
whence the saying, 'Many a friendship is dissolved by lack of converse.'" 
Trans. Welldon.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n162_8"/>
<ref target="#an162_8">162, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Middleton:</hi> see 
<ref target="#n138_21">the note on 138, 21</ref>; and L. Stephen, 
<emph>English Thought in the Eighteenth Century</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n162_16"/>
<ref target="#an162_16">162, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a good writer:</hi> Mr. Gray 
used to say, that good writing not only required great parts, but the very 
best of those parts. Mason.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n162_19"/>
<ref target="#an162_19">162, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">by Montesquieu himself:</hi> 
unmistakably by Montesquieu, although he neither gave his name to it
nor wrote in the first person. It was a small pamphlet published at Geneva,
"chez Barillot et Fils," 1750, and sold at thirty sous. It was written in
answer to two successive articles in some journal (October 9th and 16th,
1749). Montesquieu was therein accused of Spinozism and Deism. One objection
urged against Montesquieu is that in his first chapter he says nothing about
original sin! The reply is exactly in the brief concise manner of <emph>L'Esprit
des Lois</emph>, Tovey.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n162_23"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:162#an162_23">162, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Histoire de Cabinet du Roi:</hi> 
<emph>Histoire naturelle, générale et particulière, avec 
la description du Cabinet du Roi</emph>, 44 volumes, 4to, 1749-1804. The first 
part, the joint work of Buffon and Daubenton, was completed in 15 volumes in 
1767. Daubenton supplied the anatomical descriptions. <hi rend="bold">Buffons:</hi> George 
Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon (1707-88).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n163_3"/>
<ref target="#an163_3">163, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">vivacity of imagination:</hi> one 
cannot therefore help lamenting that Mr. Gray let his imagination lie dormant 
so frequently, in order to apply himself to this very science. Mason.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n163_21"/>
<ref target="#an163_21">163, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Abbé de Mongon:</hi> 
Charles Alexandre Montgon (1690-1770) was secretly employed by Philip V. of 
Spain in 1726 in studying the means of securing the French crown for Philip 
in case of the death of Louis XV., and helped to bring about reconciliation 
between France and Spain in 1727. His <emph>Mémoires de ses
différentes négociations dans les cours de France, d'Espagne et 
de Portugal de 1725 à 1731</emph> were published at La Haye
in 1745-53 in eight volumes.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n163_25"/>
<ref target="#an163_25">163, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Presid. Henault's:</hi> Charles 
Jean François Hénault (1685-1770) became in 1710 president of 
the first chamber of inquests of the parliament of Paris. He achieved success 
as a poet and a historian. The <emph>Abrégé</emph> (1744) extended 
to the death of Louis XIV. Eight editions appeared before the author's death.
<pb n="339" xml:id="p1-339"/>
<anchor xml:id="n165_2"/>
<ref target="#an165_2">165, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Gil Blas:</hi> a comedy by Edward 
Moore which appeared in 1751. <emph>The Lying Valet</emph> (1741) was by
Garrick.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n165_3"/>
<ref target="#an165_3">165, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">The Fine Lady:</hi> <emph>The Female 
Rake, or The Modern Fine Lady</emph> (1750), a poem by Soame Jenyns, who had 
written <emph>The Modern Fine Gentleman</emph> in 1746.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n165_5"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:165#an165_5">165, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Coventry:</hi> Francis Coventry 
(died <emph>c.</emph> 1759), M.A. of Magdalene College, Cambridge, wrote 
anonymously <emph>The History of Pompey the Little, or The Adventures of a 
Lapdog</emph> (1751). <hi rend="bold">to him you knew:</hi> Henry Coventry (d. 1752), also of 
Magdalene (M.A. 1733); author of <emph>Philemon to Hydaspes, relating a 
Conversation with Hortensius upon the Subject of False Religion</emph>
(1736-44).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n165_10"/>
<ref target="#an165_10">165, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lady Vane:</hi> the beautiful but 
notorious daughter of Francis Hawes, a South Sea director; lived 1713-88; 
married Viscount Vane, her second husband, in 1735. In 1751 she paid Smollett 
to insert her <emph>Memoirs of a Lady of Quality</emph> as chap. 81 of
<emph>Peregrine Pickle</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n165_14"/>
<ref target="#an165_14">165, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Gosling Scrag":</hi> this and 
the Monody were afterward omitted.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n165_17"/>
<ref target="#an165_17">165</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Remarks on the Letters, etc.:</hi> 
Mr. Tovey, after comparing these remarks with the letters to which they refer, 
concludes "that Mason's original correspondent was other than Gray, and 
possibly a man of straw." I agree with him, but not for the reasons set down 
in his note (<emph>Letters</emph>, ii. 293, n. 2). The unknown correspondent,
<emph>X</emph>, is represented as approving the method Mason has "taken of 
softening the rigour of the old [Greek] drama," but as advising him to modify
the Chorus parts and as proposing a scheme for the alteration. Gray, on the
other hand, while fully aware that the chorus was a "clog," expressly urged
the retention of the choruses in <emph>Elfrida</emph> (cf. <ref target="#an168_8">168, 8</ref> ff.) as the best  
part, which, had the play been changed, would have been lost. I am inclined to
believe that <emph>X</emph> was an imaginary person; that there were originally 
four of the letters (I agree again with Mr. Tovey); that Gray read them in
ms. (they <emph>may</emph> have been especially intended for his eye) and that 
his comments and quotations refer to this ms. draft. Before publication (1752)
they were thoroughly revised in the light of Gray's criticism and increased in 
number to five. They bear the date "Pemb. Hall. 1751." That <emph>X</emph> was
<pb n="340" xml:id="p1-340"/>
hypothetical cannot of course be proved; it is inferred from the lack of 
names and dates, the fact, that Gray apparently takes it for granted that
<emph>X</emph> was invented, and the fact that Mason published the remarks as 
five Letters instead of four as originally planned. The Letters were 
summarized in <emph>The Monthly Review</emph>, May, 1752, vi. 387-393.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n165_18"/>
<ref target="#an165_18">165, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dear Sir . . . I am yours:</hi> 
omitted by Mason in the revision of his letters. Mason had presumably said: 
"I meant only to pursue the antient method, so far as it is probable a Greek 
poet, were he alive, would now do, in order to adapt himself to the genius of 
our times, and the character of our Tragedy. According to this notion, every 
thing was to be allowed to modern caprice, which nature and Aristotle could 
possibly dispense with." "Modern caprice" was later changed to "the present 
taste."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n166_6"/>
<ref target="#an166_6">166, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Love and tenderness:</hi> Mason 
had said: "A story was chosen, in which the tender rather than the noble 
passions were predominant."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n166_26"/>
<ref target="#an166_26">166, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">more intrigue:</hi> Mason had 
said (Letter III): "Hence it is [because of the lack of restraint imposed on 
the poet by a chorus], that secret intrigues become (as Mr. Dryden gravely 
calls them) <emph>the beauties of our modern Stage</emph>."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n167_20"/>
<ref target="#an167_20">167, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the verisimilitude or the 
regularities:</hi> Mason (end of Letter II) had said: "In France, the 
excellence of their several poets is chiefly measured by this standard
[<emph>i. e.</emph>, the artificial or regular construction of the
fable]. And amongst our own writers, if you except Shakespeare (who indeed
ought, for his other virtues, to be exempt from common rules), you will find,
that the most regular of their compositions is generally reckon'd their
<emph>Chef d'oeuvre</emph>; witness the <emph>All for Love</emph> of Dryden, the
<emph>Venice preserv'd</emph> of Otway, and the <emph>Jane Shore</emph> of Rowe." 
See Tovey's note.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n168_8"/>
<ref target="#an168_8">168, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Modern Melpomene:</hi> Mason 
expunged this before printing, probably substituting "these playmakers."
He printed this: "But whatever these Play-makers may have gain'd by rejecting
the Chorus, the true Poet has lost considerably by it. For he has lost a
graceful and natural resource to the embellishments of Picturesque
Description, sublime allegory, and whatever else comes under the denomination
of <emph>pure Poetry</emph>. Shakespear,
<pb n="341" xml:id="p1-341"/>
indeed, had the power of introducing this naturally, and, what is most 
strange, of joining it with <emph>pure Passion</emph>. But I make no doubt, if we 
had a Tragedy of his form'd on the Greek model, we should find in it more 
frequent, if not nobler, instances of his high Poetical capacity, than in any 
single composition he has left us.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n169_14"/>
<ref target="#an169_14">169, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">young girls:</hi> an obvious 
allusion to Racine's <emph>Esther</emph> and <emph>Athalie</emph>, originally written
for the girls of Saint Cyr. Tovey.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n169_18"/>
<ref target="#an169_18">169, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Jane Shore's reflections:</hi> 
Rowe, <emph>Jane Shore</emph>, i. 2. 181-193. Mason's statement which this 
apparently contradicts was expunged.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n169_22"/>
<ref target="#an169_22">169, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the ——:</hi> perhaps 
referred to <emph>Elfrida</emph> as Gray read it, in ms.; but there is no 
situation corresponding to this in the ed. of 1752.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n169_27"/>
<ref target="#an169_27">169, 27</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Maffei's Merope:</hi> Scipione 
Maffei (1675-1755); his <emph>Merope</emph>, first played June 12, 1713, was 
published at Venice in 1714 and "helped to enfranchise Italian tragedy."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n170_6"/>
<ref target="#an170_6">170, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">express poetry:</hi> Mason had 
remarked (Letter V) that the stage omission of the chorus from
<emph>Athalie</emph> and <emph>Esther</emph> was due to the refinement of modern 
music, "which makes it utterly incapable of being an adjunct to Poetry." 
Tovey adds that the error of this view was demonstrated in 1762 by Gluck's
<emph>Orfeo</emph>, in which "the music is everywhere made to minister to 
characterization."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n171_3-1" n="n171_3"/>
<ref target="#an171_3">171, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">bishop Burnet:</hi> Gilbert Burnet 
(1643-1715), bishop of Salisbury from 1689 on. "For I do
solemnly say this to the world, and make my humble appeal upon it to the great
God of truth, that I tell the truth on all occasions, as fully and freely as I
upon my best inquiry have been able to find it out."  Preface to <emph>A History
of My Own Time</emph>, 1723-24.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n171_10"/>
<ref target="#an171_10">171, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a man here:</hi> apparently 
Christopher Smart (1722-71), the mad poet, whose first confinement in 
Bethlehem Hospital occurred in the year 1751.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n171_15"/>
<ref target="#an171_15">171, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Middleton's:</hi> see
138, 21, and the note. The first collective edition of his works (except the 
<emph>Life of Cicero</emph>) appeared in 1752, in 4to. It does not include this 
work, which probably remained unpublished.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n171_3-2" n="n171_3"/>
<ref target="#an171_17">171, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Waterland:</hi> see <ref target="#an145_3">145, 3</ref>, and <ref target="#n145_3">the 
note</ref>.
<pb n="342" xml:id="p1-342"/>
<anchor xml:id="n172_12"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:172#an171_12">172, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">The second:</hi> also apparently 
unpublished; has no connection with his <emph>Vindication of the Free Inquiry 
into the Miraculous Powers, which are Supposed to have Subsisted in the 
Christian Churchy &amp;c., from the Objections of Dr. Dodwell and
Dr. Church</emph>, London, 1751.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n173_11"/>
<ref target="#an173_11">173, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">His Prussian Majesty:</hi> 
Friedrich II (1712-86), called "the Great," third king of Prussia.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n173_24"/>
<ref target="#an173_24">173, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">History of Crusades:</hi> 
Voltaire's <emph>Histoire des croisades</emph> now forms chapters liii. to lviii. 
of his <emph>Essay sur l'histoire générale et sur les
moeurset l'esprit des nations</emph>; it originally appeared in <emph>Le Mercure
historique</emph>, September, 1750, to February, 1751.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n174_2"/>
<ref target="#an174_2">174, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Voix du Sage et du Peuple:</hi> 
this was Voltaire's <emph>La voix du sage et du peuple à Amsterdam chez 
Le Sincère</emph> (Paris), of which Bengesco (<emph>Voltaire: Bibliographie 
de ses oeuvres</emph>, ii. No. 1609) notes four editions published in 1750. "It 
laughs," says Tovey, "at the distinction between spiritual and temporal power,
and affirms that a philosophic prince would abolish celibate orders, encourage 
religion, but suppress dogmatic disputes." It was promptly condemned (January 
25, 1751) by the Roman Church.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n174_7"/>
<ref target="#an174_7">174, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Speculum of Archimedes:</hi> so 
called because of the legend that Archimedes invented a burning-glass that set 
fire to the Roman ships when within bow-shot of the wall. Neither Livy, 
Plutarch, nor Polybius mentions the story. A. is also said to have written a 
treatise, now lost, on the burning-glass.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n174_10"/>
<ref target="#an174_10">174, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">de Maintenon's letters:</hi> 
Françoise d'Aubigné, Marquise de Maintenon (1635-1719), 
privately married to Louis XIV. in 1684. She became governess to Madame de 
Montespan's sons in 1669. Gray's view of her is now generally held.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n175_15"/>
<ref target="#an175_15">175, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Bishop Hall's Satires:</hi> 
Joseph Hall (1574-1656), bishop of Norwich; his satires were written at 
Emanuel College, Cambridge, and first published in 1597-98.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n175_17"/>
<ref target="#an175_17">175, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Donne:</hi> John Donne
(1573-1631), dean of St. Paul's. His satires were versified by Pope and
published in 1735.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n176_11"/>
<ref target="#an176_11">176, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lord Radnor's Vagaries:</hi> 
Lord Radnor's landscape gardening was ridiculed by both Gray and Walpole. The 
latter wrote to Conway, November 8, 1752 : "Have you any Lord Radnor that 
plants trees to intercept his own prospect, that he may
<pb n="343" xml:id="p1-343"/>
cut them down again to make an alteration?" Lord Radnor lived at Twickenham, 
near Strawberry Hill.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n176_16"/>
<ref target="#an176_16">176, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Akenside:</hi> see <ref target="#an141_17">141, 17</ref>, and <ref target="#n141_17">the 
note</ref>. Akenside was at this time writing for and editing Dodsley's 
<emph>Museum</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n176_20"/>
<ref target="#an176_20">176, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Pococke:</hi> Richard
Pococke (1704-65), bishop of Meath and celebrated as a traveler. He visited
Egypt in 1737-38.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n176_24"/>
<ref target="#an176_24">176, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Diodorus:</hi> bk. i.,
chap. xlvi.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n177_7"/>
<ref target="#an177_7">177, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Shaw's book:</hi> <emph>Travels 
or Observations Relating to Several Parts of Barbary and the Levant</emph>, 
Oxford, 1738, by Thomas Shaw (1694-1751), principal of St. Edmund Hall
and Regius professor of Greek at Oxford; celebrated as an African traveler.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n177_25"/>
<ref target="#an177_25">177, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Strophe and Antistrophe:</hi> 
he often made the same remark to me in conversation, which led me to form the 
last Ode of <emph>Caractacus</emph> in shorter stanzas: But we must not imagine 
that he thought the regular Pindaric method without its use; though, as he 
justly says, when formed in long stanzas, it does not fully succeed in point 
of effect on the ear: for there was nothing which he more disliked than that 
chain of irregular stanzas which Cowley introduced, and falsely called 
Pindaric; and which, from the extreme facility of execution, produced a number 
of miserable imitators. Had the regular return of Strophe, Antistrophe, and 
Epode no other merit than that of extreme difficulty, it ought on this very 
account, to be valued; because we well know that "Easy writing is no easy 
reading." It is also to be remarked, that Mr. Congreve, who first introduced 
the regular Pindaric form into the English language, made use of the short 
stanzas which Mr. Gray here recommends. Mason.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n178_6"/>
<ref target="#an178_6">178, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">nine lines each at the most:</hi> 
see the end of the last note.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n178_11"/>
<ref target="#an178_11">178, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Monsignor Baiardi's book:</hi> 
Ottavio Antonio Bajardi (<emph>c.</emph> 1690-<emph>c.</emph> 1765), archbishop of 
Tyre and antiquarian, was employed by the King of Naples to describe the 
antiquities of Herculaneum. His <emph>Prodromo delle antichità di
Ercolano</emph>, Naples, 1752-56, 5 volumes, 4to, was the introduction to this 
work, which was eventually performed by the Herculanean Academy.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n179_9"/>
<ref target="#an179_9">179, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Voltaire's performance:</hi> <emph>An 
Epistle of Mr.</emph>
<pb n="344" xml:id="p1-344"/>
<emph>de Voltaire, upon His Arrival at His Estate near the Lake of Geneva, in 
March, 1755.</emph> From the French, 4to. Dodsley. Cf. <emph>The Monthly
Review</emph>, October, 1755, pp. 285-287.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n180_26"/>
<ref target="#an180_26">180, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">hover'd in thy noontide ray:</hi>
I follow Tovey in italicizing in this poem whatever Gray strikes through.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n183_19"/>
<ref target="#an183_19">183, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Sully's Memoirs:</hi> 
<emph>Mémoires des sages et royales oeconomies d'estat, domestiques, 
politiques, et militaires, de Henry le Grand</emph>, etc., 4 vols., folio, 1634 
and 1662. The eccentric author, Maximilien de Bethune (1560-1641), became 
Duke of Sully in 1606. Written by his secretaries, by order, as an address to 
himself, the book was rewritten in 1745 in third person narrative form by the 
Abbé de l'Écluse.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n184_12"/>
<ref target="#an184_12">184, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mémoires de Monsieur de 
la Porte:</hi> Pierre de la Porte (1603-80), valet de chambre of Louis XIV. 
His <emph>Mémoires</emph> were printed at Geneva in 1756, 12mo; they
relate to the years 1624-66 and are to be accepted with caution.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n184_17"/>
<ref target="#an184_17">184, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Madame Staal:</hi> Marguerite 
Jeanne Cordier, baroness of Staal de Launay (1684-1750). Her
<emph>Mémoires</emph> were published at Paris in 1755, 4 vols., 12mo.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n185_2"/>
<ref target="#an185_2">185, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Brown's book:</hi> see 
<ref target="#n155_15">the note on 155, 15</ref>. Mitford notes that the 
book "occupied for a time a very large share of public attention and applause; 
several editions were called for in the course of a year, and a second
volume followed the first."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n185_9"/>
<ref target="#an185_9">185, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the little wicked book:</hi> 
<emph>The Origin of Evil</emph>, by Soame Jenyns. Dr. Johnson exposed the 
absurdity of this book by his famous review in <emph>The Literary Magazine</emph>.
Gosse. Cf. <ref target="#n155_24">the note on 155, 24</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n185_18"/>
<ref target="#an185_18">185, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the chicken:</hi> probably
<emph>The Bard</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n186_4"/>
<ref target="#an186_4">186, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Neville:</hi> Thomas Neville
(d. 1781), of Jesus College, Cambridge, published imitations of Horace (1758)
and of Juvenal and Persius (1759), and a translation of Virgil's
<emph>Georgics</emph> (1767).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n187_18"/>
<ref target="#an187_18">187, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the old Scotch ballad:</hi> 
<emph>Child Maurice</emph>, Child, <emph>English and Scottish Popular Ballads</emph>, 
ii. 263-75.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n188_16"/>
<ref target="#an188_16">188, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">this thing:</hi> <emph>The
Bard</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n188_28"/>
<ref target="#an188_28">188, 28</ref>. <hi rend="bold">your first Chorus:</hi> in 
<emph>Caractacus</emph>. Gray now deals with the ode beginning "Mona on Snowdon 
calls." 
<pb n="345" xml:id="p1-345"/>
<anchor xml:id="n188_31"/>
<ref target="#an188_31">188, 31</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"the sober sisters," etc.:</hi> 
ed. of 1759:<quote>
<lg><l>King of mountains, bend thine ear:</l><l>Send thy spirits, send them soon,</l> 
<l>Now, when Midnight and the Moon</l><l>Meet upon thy front of snow:</l> 
<l>See, their gold and ebon rod,</l><l>Where the sober sisters nod,</l> 
<l>And greet in whispers sage and slow.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n190_5"/>
<ref target="#an190_5">190, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">with emotion:</hi> on the drama 
which excited <emph>emotion in Gray</emph>, Walpole writes [to George Montagu, 
June 2, 1759], "Mr. Mason has published another drama called
<emph>Caractacus</emph>. There are some incantations poetical enough, and odes 
so Greek as to have very little meaning. But the whole is laboured, 
uninteresting, and no more resembling the manners of Britons than of the 
Japanese," &amp;c. — <emph>Misc. Lett.</emph>, iii. p. 455. Mitford. Mrs. 
Toynbee reads, "of Japanese." Walpole adds, "It is introduced by a piping 
elegy, for Mason, in imitation of Gray, <emph>will cry and roar all night</emph> 
without the least provocation."<lb/>
The plot of <emph>Caractacus</emph>, adapted from Mason's argument, is as follows: 
Caractacus, king of the Silures, having been defeated by Ostorius, the Roman 
prefect, his queen Guideria taken prisoner, and his son Arviragus (as it is 
supposed) either being slain or having fled, retired with his only daughter 
Evelina and took sanctuary among the Druids in Mona. Ostorius, after the 
battle, marched into northern Britain, to the frontiers of the Brigantes. 
Their queen, Cartismandua, made with him a truce, one condition being that she 
should help him secure Caractacus to grace the triumph of Claudius at Rome. 
She gave her sons Elidurus and Vellinus as hostages, to be sent themselves 
to Rome in case they failed to capture Caractacus. On the expedition they 
were accompanied by Aulus Didius and a sufficient force. The drama opens with 
their arrival in the sacred grove, a little before midnight, while the chorus 
of Druids are preparing to admit Caractacus to their order. Elidurus, the 
elder brother, is loath to betray Caractacus; but the less honorable Vellinus 
argues that it will give them freedom. They are seized as spies. Vellinus 
reports that Guideria is safe with Cartismandua. The Druids insist on testing 
the spies by
<pb n="346" xml:id="p1-346"/>
bringing them to a huge monolith which a pure man can sway but which a traitor 
cannot move. Meanwhile Arviragus, who was merely wounded, has collected his 
father's scattered forces and now comes upon the scene. He and Elidurus become 
allies, but Vellinus flees and leads the Romans back to the grove. Arviragus, 
bravely fighting, is killed; and Caractacus is captured, though not till after 
he has slain Vellinus.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n191_7"/>
<ref target="#an191_7">191, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the abstract idea personified:</hi> 
ed. of 1759:<quote>
<lg><l>                      
Patience, here,</l><l>Her meek hands folded on her modest breast.</l> 
<l>In mute submission lifts th' adoring eye,</l>
<l>Ev'n to the storm that wrecks her.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n192_24"/>
<ref target="#an192_24">192, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Caractacus:</hi> ed. of 1759, 
p. 16; ed. of 1811, pp. 97 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n197_4"/>
<ref target="#an197_4">197, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">writing an Ode:</hi> Mason had 
written (Jan. 5): "I send you two odes, one so very ancient that
all the Æolian lyres that ever sounded are mere things of yesterday in
comparison. If you have a mind to trace my imagery, you will find it all
huddled together by Keysler, in his 'Antiquitates Selectae Septentrionales
et Celticae' [Hanover, 1728]. The book I do not doubt is to be met with at
Cambridge; and if you have not seen it you need only read his second chapter.
But tell me, may this sort of imagery be employed? will its being Celtic make
it Druidical? If it will not, burn it; if it will, why scratch it <emph>ad
libitum</emph>. . . . The other Ode is as modern as can be wished," etc.<lb/>
The first of these Odes, which Gray now criticizes, was the Druid's song on 
Death (<emph>Caractacus</emph>, ed. of 1759, pp. 68 ff; Mason' <emph>Works</emph>,
1811, ii. 153-55). The second was Mason's <emph>Ode to Mr. Joliffe</emph>, printed 
by Mitford (<emph>Correspondence of Gray and Mason</emph>, pp. 123 f.) and by 
Tovey (<emph>Letters</emph>, ii. 8-11).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n198_28"/>
<ref target="#an198_28">198, 28</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mallet's Introduction:</hi> Paul 
Henri Mallet (1730-1807), b. at Geneva and professor of history there, 
published in 1755-6 his <emph>Introduction à l'histoire du Danemark</emph>,
prefatory to the history of Denmark which Frederick V, king of Denmark, 
commissioned him to write. Part of the <emph>Introduction</emph> was translated 
by Bishop Percy in 1770 as <emph>Northern Antiquities</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n199_6"/>
<ref target="#an199_6">199, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">pure, perspicuous, and
musical:</hi> Tovey thinks
<pb n="347" xml:id="p1-347"/>
this is phrased after Milton's description of good poetry as "simple, 
sensuous, and passionate" (<emph>Tractate of Education</emph>).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n200_9"/>
<ref target="#an200_9">200, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">this Elegy:</hi> <emph>Written in the
Garden of a Friend</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n201_2"/>
<ref target="#an201_2">201, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"A mountain hoar," etc.:</hi> Tovey 
thinks Mason had written:<quote>A mountain hoar, the savage peak 
surrounds.</quote> Gray objects to the omission of the relative; see 
Tovey's note, <emph>Letters</emph>, ii. 20, n. 4.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n202_5"/>
<ref target="#an202_5">202, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Pelloutier:</hi> Mason had asked 
if Pelloutier had published vol. iii. of his <emph>Histoire des Celtes</emph>
(1750). Pelloutier had followed Cluverius (1616) and Keysler in the error of 
confusing Celt and Teuton.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n202_13"/>
<ref target="#an202_13">202, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Elegy I:</hi> <emph>To a Young 
Nobleman Leaving the University</emph>. Addressed to Lord John Cavendish, in 
1753.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n202_15"/>
<ref target="#an202_15">202, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"choir":</hi> Mason spelled 
<emph>quire</emph>. 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n202_20"/>
<ref target="#an202_20">202, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Fervid":</hi> cf. <ref target="#an224_27">224, 27</ref>, and <ref target="#n224_27">the 
note</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n203_5"/>
<ref target="#an203_5">203, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Elegy II:</hi> <emph>Written in the 
Garden of a Friend</emph>, 1758. In the 2d ed. of the <emph>Elegies</emph>, 1763, 
this was Elegy II; it is now No. III.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n203_23"/>
<ref target="#an203_23">203, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Elegy III:</hi> <emph>On the Death 
of a Lady</emph>, 1760; on Lady Coventry. Second ed., Elegy III; now
No. V.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n205_13"/>
<ref target="#an205_13">205, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Agis:</hi> by John Home
(1722-1808); it was played at Drury Lane Feb. 21, 1758, Garrick playing a 
leading part. <emph>Douglas</emph> had appeared in Edinburgh Dec. 14, 1756, and 
in London March 14, 1757.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n205_18"/>
<ref target="#an205_18">205, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Miscellany:</hi> cf. Gray's 
previous criticism, <ref target="#p1-152">152</ref> ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n206_3"/>
<ref target="#an206_3">206, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Swift:</hi> <emph>History of the 
Last Four Years of the Queen</emph>, published by Charles Lucas, M.D., 1758.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n206_5"/>
<ref target="#an206_5">206, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">M. de Torcy:</hi> Jean Baptiste 
Colbert, Marquis de Torcy (1665-1746), secretary of state under Louis XIV. 
His <emph>Mémoires</emph> were published in 1756 and an English translation 
appeared in 1757.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n207_4"/>
<ref target="#an207_4">207, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Monsieur Freret:</hi> Nicholas 
Freret (1688-1749), a celebrated savant, whose bold <emph>L'histoire de
l'origine des Français</emph> caused him to be imprisoned for three
months in the Bastille. His works were collected in 1796-99 in twenty
volumes.
<pb n="348" xml:id="p1-348"/>
<anchor xml:id="n208_9"/>
<ref target="#an208_9">208, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Hodges:</hi> Gray alludes to the 
two additional volumes to Dodsley's <emph>Collection of Poems</emph> which came 
out in the year 1758, and contained his two Odes, and some Poems by Mason, 
Shenstone, Akenside, &amp;c. From Mitford, who adds, quoting from Norton 
Nicholls, that Gray disliked Akenside, and in general all poetry in blank 
verse, except Milton.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n208_12"/>
<ref target="#an208_12">208, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the tragic poet:</hi> perhaps 
Arthur Murphy (1727-1805), author of <emph>The Orphan of China</emph>, who
quarreled with Garrick over this play. See Garrick's <emph>Private
Correspondence</emph>, 1831, i. pp. xxx ff., 81 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n208_15"/>
<ref target="#an208_15">208, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Stukeley's:</hi> William 
Stukeley (1687-1765), physician, clergyman, and antiquary, sometimes called
"the Arch-Druid." He wrote much on Stonehenge. <emph>Stonehenge and Abury</emph> 
appeared in 1740.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n210_3"/>
<ref target="#an210_3">210, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Greek Sophist:</hi> Hegesias 
the Cyrenaic, nicknamed, from his encouragement to suicide, Peisithanatos;
cf. Cicero, <emph>Tusc. Disp.</emph>, i. xxxiv. Tovey.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n211_4"/>
<ref target="#an211_4">211, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">William Palgrave:</hi> <emph>c.</emph> 
1735-1799, of Pembroke College; became LL.B. in 1760. He was in Scotland at 
this time. Cf. Tovey's note, <emph>Letters</emph>, ii. 49 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n212_24"/>
<ref target="#an212_24">212, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">your second packet:</hi> 
contained the practically completed <emph>Caractacus</emph>, except the ode, 
"Hark, heard ye not yon footsteps dread?" Tovey.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n214_10"/>
<ref target="#an214_10">214, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the six last lines:</hi> they 
are addressed to the harp of the minstrel Camber:<quote>
<lg><l rend="indent">Sublime upon the burnish'd prow,</l>
<l rend="indent">He bad thy manly modes to flow;</l> 
<l>Britain heard the descant bold,</l> 
<l rend="indent">She flung her white arms o'er the sea;</l>
<l>Proud in her leafy bosom to enfold [ed. 1759 unfold]</l> 
<l rend="indent">The freight of harmony.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n214_20"/>
<ref target="#an214_20">214, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the four last lines:</hi> these 
read in the edition of 1759:<quote>
<lg><l>Dismal notes, and answer'd soon</l> 
<l rend="indent">By savage howl the heaths among,</l> 
<l>What time the wolf doth bay the trembling moon,</l> 
<l rend="indent">And thin the bleating throng.</l></lg></quote>
<pb n="349" xml:id="p1-349"/>
<anchor xml:id="n214_27"/>
<ref target="#an214_27">214, 27</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"The Fairy Fancy":</hi> the ed. 
of 1759 reads:<quote>Fancy, the fairy, with thee came.</quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n215_3"/>
<ref target="#an215_3">215, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Beat on," etc.:</hi> ed. of 1759:
<quote><lg><l>Pants thro' the pathless desart of the air.</l> 
<l rend="indent">'Tis not the flight of her.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n215_13"/>
<ref target="#an215_13">215, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Long:</hi> Roger Long 
(1680-1770), the celebrated astronomer; became master of Pembroke Hall, 
Cambridge, in 1733, and Lowndean professor of astronomy and geometry in 1750.
See the Introduction, p. <ref target="#p1-xxxviii">xxxviii</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n216_3"/>
<ref target="#an216_3">216, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Cleone:</hi> by Dodsley; acted at 
Covent Garden Dec. 2, 1758. Garrick had condemned it as "cruel, bloody, and 
unnatural." It ran sixteen nights.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n216_8"/>
<ref target="#an216_8">216, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Merope:</hi> a translation by 
Aaron Hill (1685-1750) of Voltaire; first acted in 1749.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n216_9"/>
<ref target="#an216_9">216, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">The Guardian:</hi> adapted
by Garrick from Fagan's <emph>Pupille</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n216_10"/>
<ref target="#an216_10">216, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Cocchi's:</hi> Gioacchino Cocchi 
(before 1720-<emph>c.</emph> 1804); lived in England 1757-72 and composed there 
eleven operas, acquiring a considerable reputation.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n216_11"/>
<ref target="#an216_11">216, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Cyrus:</hi> <emph>Il Ciro
riconosciuto</emph> is the title of an opera composed by Cocchi, produced at the 
King's Theatre in 1759, and said by Dr. Burney to be the best of Cocchi's 
productions during his residence in England. Mitford.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n216_14"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:216#an216_14">216, 14</ref>. II. 2.—<hi rend="bold">These are,
etc.:</hi> a criticism of the revised ode beginning, "Hail, thou harp of 
Phrygian fame!" This criticism, extending as far as <emph>execution</emph>, 217,
3, was printed by Mitford as a part of Gray's letter dated Dec. 19, 1756, 
while the detailed criticisms beginning "I liked the opening" were appended 
to the same letter. Mitford was followed by Gosse and Tovey, in vol. i. Tovey, 
however, afterward rightly concluded (see <emph>Letters</emph>, ii. 61, n. 3, 63, 
n. 1, 65, n. 1, 70, n. 1) that these criticisms belong here. Tovey's Letter 
clxxx, it will be observed, is the end of his No. cxxxvi (i. 317), set off 
and redated; but he does not reprint the matter that went with it. <hi rend="bold">my
favorite Stanzas:</hi> the poet is speaking of Inspiration; ed. of 1759:
<quote><lg><l>High her port; her waving hand</l>
<l rend="indent">A pencil bears; the days, the years,</l></lg></quote>
<pb n="350" xml:id="p1-350"/>
<quote><lg><l>Arise at her command,</l>
<l rend="indent">And each obedient colouring wears.</l>
<l>So [ed. 1811, Lo], where Time's pictur'd band</l>
<l rend="indent">In hues aethereal glide along;</l>
<l rend="indent">O mark the transitory throng;</l>
<l>Now they dazzle, now they die,</l>
<l rend="indent">Instant they flit from light to shade,</l>
<l>Mark the blue forms of faint futurity,</l>
<l rend="indent">O mark them ere they fade.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n217_1"/>
<ref target="#an217_1">217, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">tout-ensembles:</hi> Mason had 
written, in the latter part of November, 1758: "I will attempt a new Mador's 
song to please you, but, in my own mind, I would not have him sing there at 
all on account of the <emph>tout ensemble</emph>, for he sings all the second Ode, 
and also all the fourth, so I am afraid he will be hoarse."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n217_6"/>
<ref target="#an217_6">217, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">blank:</hi> Mason changed it to 
<emph>stern</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n217_17"/>
<ref target="#an217_17">217, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"trickling runlet":</hi> this 
was cut out.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n218_2"/>
<ref target="#an218_2">218, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"philosophy":</hi> ed. of
1759:<quote>
<lg><l>On the left</l><l>Reside the Sages skill'd in Nature's lore:</l>
<l>The changeful universe, it's numbers, powers.</l>
<l>Studious they measure, save when meditation</l>
<l>Give place to holy rites: etc.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n218_16"/>
<ref target="#an218_16">218, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Caesar and Fate:</hi> ed. of 
1759:<quote>Caesar and Fate demand him at your hands.</quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n218_29"/>
<ref target="#an218_29">218, 29</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"modest mounds":</hi> Tovey
thinks <emph>mounds</emph> is a misprint for <emph>bounds</emph>. Mason changed it 
to "the level course of right and justice."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n219_14"/>
<ref target="#an219_14">219, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">this ceremony:</hi> in the ed. 
of 1759 the Semi-chorus says:<quote>
<lg><l>Circle, sons, this holy ground;</l><l>Circle close, in triple row;</l>
<l>And, if mask'd in vapors drear,</l><l>Any earth-born Spirit dare</l>
<l>To hover round this sacred space,</l><l>Haste with light spells the murky foe to
chace.</l>
<l>Lift your boughs of vervain blue,</l></lg></quote>
<pb n="351" xml:id="p1-351"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>Dipt in cold September dew;</l><l>And dash the moisture chaste, and clear,</l>
<l>O'er the ground, and through the air</l><l>Now the place is purg'd and pure.</l>
</lg></quote>
It then asks if the steers are ready for the sacrifice.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n219_20"/>
<ref target="#an219_20">219, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">aske:</hi> a newt or lizard; a 
common word in northern England, cf. Wright, <emph>Eng. Dial. Dict.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n219_25"/>
<ref target="#an219_25">219, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Gender'd by," etc.:</hi> ed. of 
1759:<quote>
<lg><l>And the potent adder-stone,</l><l>Gender'd 'fore th' autumnal moon?</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n220_2"/>
<ref target="#an220_2">220, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">an old British fancy:</hi>
that the adder-stone, or druid's egg (a bead of glass used as a charm) was
produced "by snakes joining their heads together and hissing, which forms a
kind of bubble like a ring about the head of one of them, which the test by
continual hissing blow on till it comes off at the tail, when it immediately
hardens and resembles a glass ring." See Brand-Hazlitt, <emph>Faiths and
Folklore</emph>, i. 194 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n220_13"/>
<ref target="#an220_13">220, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Its nodding walls, etc.:</hi> 
Mason accepted the lines except this one.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n220_26"/>
<ref target="#an220_26">220, 26</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"pestilent glare":</hi> ed. of 
1759:<quote>
<lg><l>. . . and Heav'n, who bade these warrior oaks</l>
<l>Lift their green shields against the fiery sun,</l>
<l>To fence their subject plain, did mean, that I</l>
<l>Should, with as firm an arm, protect my people,</l>
<l>Against the pestilent glare of Rome's ambition.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n221_1"/>
<ref target="#an221_1">221, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"I know it, rev'rend Fathers":</hi>
ed. of 1759:<quote>
<lg><l>I know it, reverend fathers!</l>
<l>'Tis heav'n's high will, that these poor aged eyes</l>
<l>Shall never more behold that virtuous woman,</l>
<l>To whom my youth was constant, 'twas heav'n's will</l>
<l>To take her from me at that very hour,</l>
<l>When best her love might soothe me; that black hour,</l>
<l>[May memory ever raze it from her records]</l>
<l>When all my squadrons fled, and left their king</l>
<l>Old and defenceless: him, who nine whole years</l></lg></quote>
<pb n="352" xml:id="p1-352"/>
<quote>
<lg><l>Had stemm'd all Rome with their firm phallanx: yes,</l>
<l>For nine whole years, my friends, I bravely led</l>
<l>The valiant veterans, oft to victory,</l>
<l>Never 'till then to shame.</l></lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n222_16"/>
<ref target="#an222_16">222, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mingotti:</hi> Regina Valentini 
Mingotti (1728-1807), born at Naples, sang with great success in many European 
capitals. Cf. <emph>Letters</emph>, ed. Tovey, i. 297, n. 4.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n222_18"/>
<ref target="#an222_18">222, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Metastasio:</hi> Pietro 
Bonaventura Metastasio (1698-1782), a Roman, especially famed as a lyric poet.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n222_24"/>
<ref target="#an222_24">222, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">hares:</hi> Tovey suspects that 
Gray punned on <emph>hairs</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n223_18"/>
<ref target="#an223_18">223, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Money:</hi> cf. Gray's letter
to Wharton, June 5, 1748.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n224_20"/>
<ref target="#an224_20">224, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the end of the scene:</hi> ed. 
of 1759, pp. 46-48; ed. of 1811, pp. 129-31.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n224_22"/>
<ref target="#an224_22">224, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Thou, gallant boy":</hi> changed
by Mason to "Thou best of brothers."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n224_27"/>
<ref target="#an224_27">224, 27</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Fervid":</hi> Tovey notes
that Shakespeare does not use the word, but Milton uses it twice
[<emph>P. L.</emph>, v. 301, vii. 224]. Pope does not use the word.  Cf. <ref target="#an202_20">202, 20</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n225_3"/>
<ref target="#an225_3">225, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the joint criticism:</hi> by Dr. 
Warburton, owner of Prior Park, and Mr Hurd, who was frequently there.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n225_12"/>
<ref target="#an225_12">225, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the chorus of the
rocking-stone:</hi> the ode beginning, "Thou Spirit pure, that spread'st 
unseen," ed. of 1759, pp. 40 f., Mason, <emph>Works</emph>, 1811, ii. 122 ff.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n226_14"/>
<ref target="#an226_14">226, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Whitehead's two Odes:</hi>
<emph>Ode for His Majesty's Birthday</emph> and <emph>Ode for the New Tear</emph>,
1759.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n228_4"/>
<ref target="#an228_4">228, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Froissard:</hi> Tovey here reminds 
us of Sainte-Beuve's comment on Froissart (<emph>Causeries du
lundi</emph>, ix. 63-96, October 24, 31, 1853), in which (p. 74) he quotes this
letter of Gray, and adds: "Combien cela semble plus vrai encore lorsque l'on
parcourt un de ces beaux Froissart manuscrits comme en possède notre 
grande Bibliothèque [Nationale] et comme l'Angleterre en a sans doute 
aussi, tout ornés de vignettes du temps, admirablement
coloriées, d'une vivacite et d'une minutie naïve qui commente
à chaque page le texte et le fait parler aux yeux,
avec une entière et fidèle représentation des villes et 
châteaux, des cérémonies, des sièges, des combats 
sur terre et sur mer, des costumes, vêtements et armures! Toutes ces 
choses y sont peintes comme d'hier; la poésie
<pb n="353" xml:id="p1-353"/>
de Gray elle-même n'est pas plus nette ni plus fraiche, et ne reluit pas
mieux." See also Sir J. F. Stephen, <emph>Horae sabbaticae</emph>, i. 22-54.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n228_13"/>
<ref target="#an228_13">228, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the succeeding century:</hi> the 
fifteenth. Jean Froissart lived <emph>c.</emph> 1338-<emph>c.</emph> 1410; his
Chronicle ends at 1400.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n228_16"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:228#an228_16">228, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">King Arthur:</hi> supposed to 
have lived in the fourth and fifth centuries. His story became celebrated 
through the fabulous account in Geoffrey of Monmouth's <emph>Historia regum 
Britanniae</emph> (<emph>c.</emph> 1139), which formed in part the ultimate source 
of the French romancers of the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries. 
Sir Thomas Malory's romance <emph>Le Morte d'Arthur</emph> (1469, printed by 
Caxton in 1485) was compiled and translated from English and French sources. 
<hi rend="bold">Sir Tristram:</hi> at first the hero of an independent legend, but very 
early associated with Arthur. The story of Arthur and Guinevere was probably 
influenced by that of Tristram. See Malory, books viii., x.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n228_17"/>
<ref target="#an228_17">228, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Archbishop Turpin:</hi> died
<emph>c.</emph> 800; figured as one of the peers of Charlemagne; his name was 
connected with the twelfth-century half-legendary chronicle which recounted 
Charlemagne's expeditions to Spain, including the treason of Ganelon and the 
battle of Roncesvalles.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n228_22"/>
<ref target="#an228_22">228, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the four Irish kings:</hi> bk. 
iv., chap. 64.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n228_24"/>
<ref target="#an228_24">228, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">who informed Froissard:</hi> bk. 
iv., chap. 62.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n229_3"/>
<ref target="#an229_3">229, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">specimens of Erse poetry:</hi> 
translations from the Gaelic by the notorious James Macpherson (1736-96). At 
Moffat in the previous autumn he had shown sixteen pieces to John Horne and 
Dr. Alexander Carlyle. Two of these, apparently, were sent by Sir David 
Dalrymple to Horace Walpole in January, 1760, and passed on by Walpole to 
Gray. Macpherson's <emph>Fragments of Ancient Poetry Collected in the
Highlands</emph> appeared in July. On the present state of the vexed Ossianic 
question, see the introduction to P. Christian's <emph>Ossian, barde du
III<hi rend="sup">e</hi> siècle</emph>, Paris, 1905.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n229_13"/>
<ref target="#an229_13">229, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Hardycanute:</hi> printed by 
Percy, <emph>Reliques of Ancient English Poetry</emph>, ed. Schröer, i. 
328-338, 992-994. According to Percy, written by Sir John Bruce of Kinross. 
First published at Edinburgh in 1719.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n230_3"/>
<ref target="#an230_3">230, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the K. of Prussia's poetry:</hi> 
<emph>Œuvres du philosophe de Sans Souci</emph>, Potsdam [Paris], January,
1760, an unauthorized
<pb n="354" xml:id="p1-354"/>
edition published (by whom is not known) to make trouble between Frederick 
and his uncle George III. of England, then his ally. Cf. Walpole's letter to 
Mann, May 7, 1760.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n230_5"/>
<ref target="#an230_5">230, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the scum of Voltaire:</hi> Gray 
retained this prejudice; he wrote to Walpole, March 17, 1771: "He must have a 
very good stomach that can digest the <emph>Crambe recocta</emph> of Voltaire. 
Atheism is a vile dish, though all the cooks of France combine to make new 
sauces to it. As to the Soul, perhaps they have none on the Continent; but I 
do think we have such things in England. Shakespeare, for example, I believe 
had several to his own share. As to the Jews (though they do not eat pork) I 
like them because they are better Christians than Voltaire."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n230_6"/>
<ref target="#an230_6">230, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Crambe recocta:</hi> cf. Occidit 
miseros crambe repetita magistros. Juv., vii. 154. Tovey.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n230_8"/>
<ref target="#an230_8">230, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Tristram Shandy:</hi> vols. i. and 
ii. appeared January 1, 1760.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n231_8"/>
<ref target="#an231_8">231, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Musaeus:</hi> Mason's monody
on Pope, written in 1744 and published in 1747; Gray had just revised it.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n231_10"/>
<ref target="#an231_10">231, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a bloody satire:</hi> <emph>Two
Odes</emph>, to Obscurity and Oblivion, by George Colman the elder (1732-94) and
Robert Lloyd (1733-64), written to ridicule Gray and Mason respectively. 
According to Joseph Warton they afterward repented of the satire. Cf. 
Boswell's <emph>Johnson</emph>, ed. Hill, ii. 334 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n231_12"/>
<ref target="#an231_12">231, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Pottinger:</hi> Richard 
Pottinger, who in 1754 became under-secretary of state.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n233_21"/>
<ref target="#an233_21">233, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Evans:</hi> Evan Evans 
(1731-89), who in 1764 published <emph>Some Specimens of the Poetry of the 
Antient Welsh Bards;</emph> it included the Latin discourse <emph>De bardis 
dissertatio</emph> which Gray saw in manuscript.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n235_2"/>
<ref target="#an235_2">235, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">M. D'Alembert:</hi> Jean le Rond 
d'Alembert (1717-83), one of the greatest figures in eighteenth-century
France; he especially distinguished himself in mathematics and philosophy. 
With Diderot he was engaged from 1751 till 1758 in editing the
<emph>Encyclopédie</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n235_3"/>
<ref target="#an235_3">235, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">his Elements:</hi>
<emph>Éléments de philosophie</emph>, 1759.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n235_6"/>
<ref target="#an235_6">235, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the letter to Rousseau:</hi> the 
"polished, cool, ironical answer" to Rousseau's <emph>Lettre à
M. d'Alembert sur les spectacles</emph>. In the art. "Genève" in the
<emph>Encyclopédie</emph>, vol. vii.,
<pb n="355" xml:id="p1-355"/>
D'Alembert had expressed the wish that comedy might be tolerated by the 
Genevan clergy, while he praised their exemplary morals and perfect 
Socinianism. Rousseau's letter rebuked D'Alembert for praising the clergy to 
the injury of their reputation, and denounced comedies in general.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n235_7"/>
<ref target="#an235_7">235, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Discourses on Elocution":</hi>
<emph>Reflexions sur l'élocution oratoire, et sur le style en
général</emph>, in his <emph>Mélanges de littérature,
d'histoire, et de philosophie</emph>, Amsterdam, 1767, ii. 314-56.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n235_8"/>
<ref target="#an235_8">235, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Liberty of Music":</hi> <emph>De la 
liberté de la musique</emph>, also a reply to Rousseau; in the
<emph>Mélanges</emph>, iv. 381-462.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n236_7"/>
<ref target="#an236_7">236, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">while rocking winds:</hi>
<emph>Il Penseroso</emph>, l. 126.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n236_14"/>
<ref target="#an236_14">236, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">has described it gloriously:</hi> 
I agree with Tovey that Gray probably had in mind ll. 191-94.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n236_21"/>
<ref target="#an236_21">236, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"The waves are tumbling,"
etc.:</hi> since published in a note to "Croma," <emph>Ossian</emph>,
vol. i. Tovey.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n238_3"/>
<ref target="#an238_3">238, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a letter from Mr. David Hume:</hi>
printed in <emph>The European Magazine</emph>, March, 1784, v. 327.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n240_20"/>
<ref target="#an240_20">240, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the nave of York Minster:</hi> 
now dated 1291- 1324; F. Bond, <emph>Gothic Architecture in England</emph>,
p. 657.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n240_21"/>
<ref target="#an240_21">240, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the choir:</hi> Bond dates
<emph>c.</emph> 1380-<emph>c.</emph> 1400.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n240_25"/>
<ref target="#an240_25">240, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">The Lady Chapel:</hi> begun in 
1321.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n241_1"/>
<ref target="#an241_1">241, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Chapel of Bishop West:</hi> 
Bond, p. 643, dates 1534.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n242_2"/>
<ref target="#an242_2">242, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Lady M. C.:</hi> Lady Mary Coke, 
daughter of the Duke of Argyll, who married Viscount Coke in 1747; became 
known for her eccentricities.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n242_13"/>
<ref target="#an242_13">242, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">lightning:</hi> Mason
changed it to <emph>lustre</emph>. The Prince of Wales had written
<emph>brightness</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n243_12"/>
<ref target="#an243_12">243, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">this line:</hi> Tovey thus 
restores:<quote>That led her hence; though soon, the steps were
slow.</quote>Mason revised it thus:<quote>That led her hence, 
though soon, by steps so slow.</quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n243_23"/>
<ref target="#an243_23">243, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a less metaphorical line:</hi> 
ll. 73-76 now read (2d ed., 1763):<quote>
<lg><l>Yet will I praise you, triflers as ye are,</l> 
<l rend="indent">More than those Preachers of your fav'rite creed,</l>
<l>Who proudly swell the brazen throat of War,</l>
<l rend="indent">Who form the Phalanx, bid the battle bleed;</l></lg></quote>
<pb n="356" xml:id="p1-356"/>
that is, while shallow persons and soldiers (<emph>e. g.</emph>, Frederick the 
Great) both deny immortality, the latter are the more reprehensible.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n243_25"/>
<ref target="#an243_25">243, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a good line:</hi> it now reads: 
<quote>The breeze of bliss, that fills your silken sail.</quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n244_14"/>
<ref target="#an244_14">244, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Truth ne'er can sanctify":</hi>
the stanza now reads:<quote>
<lg><l>And why must murder'd myriads lose their all,</l> 
<l rend="indent">(If life be all), why desolation lour,</l> 
<l>With famish'd frown, on this affrighted ball,</l> 
<l rend="indent">That thou may'st flame the meteor of an hour?</l></lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n245_4"/>
<ref target="#an245_4">245, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Nouvelle Heloise:</hi> 
Rousseau's <emph>Julie, ou La nouvelle Héloïse</emph> was published 
in 1760.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n245_12"/>
<ref target="#an245_12">245, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Amadis de Gaul:</hi> mentioned 
in 1379 as a book much read in Spain; immensely popular on the Continent in 
the 15th and 16th centuries. Probably originated in Spain, though some defend 
the claims of France. Gray presumably read it in French. Southey, who 
translated it into English from the Spanish, ascribed it to Vasco Lobeira, a 
Portuguese knight who died in 1403.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n245_24"/>
<ref target="#an245_24">245, 24</ref>. <hi rend="bold">mistake his own talents:</hi> 
Mitford here quotes Landor, <emph>De cultu Latini sermonis</emph>, p. 197: 
"<emph>Rossaeo</emph> nec in sententiis ipse suavior est (qui parum profecto 
praeter suavitatem habet) Isocrates, nec in verbis uberior aut amplioris in 
dicendo dignitatis Plato, nec Sophronisci filius melior sophista. Nemo animi
affectus profundius introspexit, delicatius tetigit, solertius explicavit.
Odium vero hominum quos insinceros <emph>Graius</emph> aut pravos existimabat, aut
religionis Christianorum inimicos, transversum egit et praeceps judicium."
For the different effect which the book had upon Kant and others, see Lord
Morley's <emph>Rousseau</emph>, 2d ed., ii. 31-33.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n246_2"/>
<ref target="#an246_2">246, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Elisi:</hi> a man of great
reputation and abilities; performed at the opera in London 1760 and 1761. A
great singer and eminent actor. See Burney's <emph>History of Music</emph>,
iv. 473 f. Mitford.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n246_20"/>
<ref target="#an246_20">246, 20</ref>. <hi rend="bold">The Mattei:</hi> Colomba Mattei; 
she "was both a charming singer and a spirited and intelligent actress." 
Burney, iv. 464 f.  In 1759 she won distinction in Cocchi's <emph>Ciro
riconosciuto</emph>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n246_22"/>
<ref target="#an246_22">246, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Paganina:</hi> Signora
Paganini, who sang with her husband in <emph>Il mondo della luna</emph>; the airs, 
says Burney, "excellent
<pb n="357" xml:id="p1-357"/>
in themselves, by the captivating manner in which they were sung and acted by 
the Paganini, became doubly interesting."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n246_28"/>
<ref target="#an246_28">246, 28</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Spiletta:</hi> the part of 
Spiletta in Cocchi's <emph>Gli amanti gelosi</emph>, taken by the eldest sister of 
the Giordani family with such skill that it gave the name to the company. 
Burney, iv. 365, n., year 1755.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n247_3"/>
<ref target="#an247_3">247, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Richardson:</hi> probably 
Jonathan Richardson the younger (1694-1771), son of the painter (of
the same name, 1665-1745) to whom Gray sat about 1729 for the portrait now in
the Fitzwilliam Museum.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n248_5"/>
<ref target="#an248_5">248, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Hollar:</hi> Wenceslaus Hollar 
(1607-77), a Bohemian engraver brought to England by the Earl of Arundel; 
appointed by Charles II. "His Majesty's designer." He produced over 2700 
prints.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n248_6"/>
<ref target="#an248_6">248, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Halfpenny:</hi> William 
Halfpenny, a London architect, had just published a work on <emph>Useful 
Architecture.</emph>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n249_6"/>
<ref target="#an249_6">249, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">his new play:</hi> Whitehead's
<emph>School for Lovers</emph> was acted at Drury Lane Feb. 10, 1762.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n249_10"/>
<ref target="#an249_10">249, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"Elegy against Friendship":</hi> 
the poem <emph>On Friendship, written about 1751</emph>; the sentiment to
which Gray objected being doubtless that friendships may die from natural
causes for which neither person is to be greatly blamed; ll. 73 ff. According
to Mason, Gray "disapproved of the general sentiment which it conveyed, for he
said it would furnish the unfeeling and capricious with apologies for their
defects, and that it ought to be entitled <emph>A Satire on Friendship</emph>." 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n249_17"/>
<ref target="#an249_17">249, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a very serious compliment:</hi> 
the praise of Gray occurs in Lloyd's "Epistle to Churchill" —
<quote>
<lg><l>What muse like Gray's shall pleasing, pensive, flow,</l>
<l>Attempered sweetly to the rustic woe;</l>
<l>Or who like him shall sweep the Theban lyre,</l>
<l>And, as his master, pour forth thoughts of fire?     Mitford.</l>
</lg></quote>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n250_7"/>
<ref target="#an250_7">250, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Dr. Lowth's Grammar:</hi> Robert 
Lowth's <emph>Short Introduction to English Grammar</emph> (1762) was much used 
and influenced Lindley Murray. Cf. <ref target="#n155_14">the note on
155, 14</ref>. 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n250_11"/>
<ref target="#an250_11">250, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the bishop:</hi> Warburton, 
bishop of Gloucester.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n251_15"/>
<ref target="#an251_15">251, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the chapel of St. Sepulchre:</hi> 
originally "a
<pb n="358" xml:id="p1-358"/>
stately chapel founded in the 12th century and dedicated to St. Mary and the 
Holy Angels, but generally called St. Sepulchre's chapel, probably because the 
Easter-Sepulchre of the minster found a temporary home in it." Quoted from 
James Raine's <emph>York</emph>, 1893, p. 158, which see further. A cut of it is 
given in Drake's and Burton's histories of York.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n251_16"/>
<ref target="#an251_16">251, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Archbishop Roger:</hi> Roger of 
Pont l'Evêque, archbishop of York, d. 1181.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n254_4"/>
<ref target="#an254_4">254, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a rude draught:</hi> the accuracy 
of Gray's drawing has been questioned; see Mitford's note, <emph>Correspondence 
of Gray and Mason</emph>, 2d ed., p. 518.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n255_7"/>
<ref target="#an255_7">255, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Johnny Ludlam:</hi> there were two
persons well known in literature and science, the Rev. William and the Rev. 
Thomas Ludlam, both Fellows of St. John's College. William was M.A. 1742, and 
died 1788; Thomas was M.A. 1752, and died 1811. . . . My friend Mr. Nichols 
agrees with me in thinking that one of these brothers was alluded to: the 
familiar name Johnny being given to him from his residence at St. John's 
College. Mitford.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n255_19"/>
<ref target="#an255_19">255, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the individual chapel:</hi> "The 
chapel was restored, if not rebuilt, by Archbishop Thoresby, and was removed 
at the Reformation." Raine.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n255_25"/>
<ref target="#an255_25">255, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the south transept:</hi> dates 
from 1230-<emph>c.</emph> 1241; the north transept dates from 1241-60.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n256_9"/>
<ref target="#an256_9">256, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the chapter-house:</hi> not easily 
dated; Bond puts it <emph>c.</emph> 1300, but thinks it may belong to the 
preceding period.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n257_8"/>
<ref target="#an257_8">257, 8</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Roger's own tomb:</hi> cf. Murray's
Yorkshire <emph>Handbook</emph>, 1867, p. 32; A. Clutton-Brock, <emph>The Cathedral
Church of York</emph>, London, 1902, p. 125.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n257_17"/>
<ref target="#an257_17">257, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Howe:</hi> William Taylor 
Howe, of Standon Place, near Ongar, Essex, an honorary Fellow of Pembroke 
College. Mitford.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n257_21"/>
<ref target="#an257_21">257, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Count Algarotti's:</hi> Count 
Francesco Algarotti (1712-64), a learned dilettante, who corresponded on 
matters of taste with Frederick the Great, with Voltaire, and with Augustus 
III., king of Poland.  Gosse. Cf. Carlyle, <emph>Frederick</emph>, iii. 327.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n259_3"/>
<ref target="#an259_3">259, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Émile:</hi> published in 
1762.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n260_18"/>
<ref target="#an260_18">260, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">one Prince in Europe:</hi> 
Frederick the Great;
<pb n="359" xml:id="p1-359"/>
cf. Carlyle's <emph>Life</emph>, iii. 287. On Algarotti's relations with 
Frederick, cf. the same, v. 319, 380.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n261_28"/>
<ref target="#an261_28">261, 28</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Cocchi:</hi> the first of 
Cocchi's productions mentioned by Burney, <emph>History of Music</emph>, iv. 465, 
as produced in England, is <emph>Gli amanti gelosi</emph>, <emph>c.</emph> 1755.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n263_14"/>
<ref target="#an263_14">263, 14</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Inigo Jones:</hi> lived
1573-1652; designed the banqueting-hall of Whitehall, the facade of St. 
Paul's, the Physicians' College, etc.; the chief architect of his time.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n265_2"/>
<ref target="#an265_2">265, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Count Algarotti's books:</hi> three 
small treatises on Painting, the Opera, and the French Academy for Painters in
Italy; they have been since collected in the Leghorn edition of his works. 
Mason.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n265_21"/>
<ref target="#an265_21">265, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Jesuits' Letters:</hi> 
<emph>Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions 
étrangères par quelques missionaires de la Compagnie de
Jesus</emph>, Paris, 1707-73. A partial translation by Lockman, <emph>Travels
of the Jesuits into Various Parts of the World</emph>, appeared in London in 
1743, in 2 vols.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n265_22"/>
<ref target="#an265_22">265, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Chambers's little discourse:</hi> 
<emph>A Treatise of Civil Architecture</emph>, 1759, bv Sir William Chambers 
(1726-96). He had a weakness for Chinese architecture; see his work in Kew 
Gardens.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n267_7"/>
<ref target="#an267_7">267, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">your Sonnet:</hi> <emph>Sonnet to the 
Earl of Holdernesse</emph>, beginning, "D'Arcy, to thee, whate'er of happier 
vein"; prefixed to the first volume of Mason's <emph>Works</emph>, and printed by
Mitford, <emph>Correspondence of Gray and Mason</emph>, pp. 310 f.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n267_19"/>
<ref target="#an267_19">267, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">a mass of Pergolesi:</hi> on 
Gray's musical library see the opening chapter of Henry E. Krehbiel's 
<emph>Music and Manners in the Classical Period</emph>, 2d ed., New York,
1898.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n269_17"/>
<ref target="#an269_17">269, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the Epigram:</hi> "I possess 
several of Mason's political and personal epigrams, which Walpole used to 
insert for him in <emph>The Evening Post</emph>, but do not recognize the one 
here alluded to. Those against the King are written in the bitterest feeling 
of personal animosity." Mitford.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n269_23"/>
<ref target="#an269_23">269, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Churchill:</hi> Charles 
Churchill died Nov. 4, 1764.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n270_7"/>
<ref target="#an270_7">270, 7</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Langhorne's:</hi> John 
Langhorne (1735-79) was at this time curate and lecturer at St. John's,
Clerkenwell. He had been publishing verse for five years.
<pb n="360" xml:id="p1-360"/>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n270_10"/>
<ref target="#an270_10">270, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">comes from Voltaire:</hi> one of 
the best modern estimates of Voltaire is that of Sir J. F. Stephen, <emph>Horae
sabbaticae</emph>, ii. 211-79.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n272_6"/>
<ref target="#an272_6">272, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Rousseau's Letters:</hi>
<emph>Lettres écrites de la montagne</emph>, 1764.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n274_5"/>
<ref target="#an274_5">274, 5</ref>. <hi rend="bold">at Modena:</hi> Mason adds the
following (I print his own words in italics): <emph>When our Author was himself 
in Italy, he studied with much attention the different manners of the old
masters. I find a paper written at the time in which he has set down several
subjects proper for painting, which he had never seen executed, and has
affixed the names of different masters to each piece, to shew which of their
pencils he thought would have been most proper to treat it. As I doubt not
that this paper will be an acceptable present to the Reynoldses and Wests of
the age, I shall here insert it.</emph>
</p><p rend="center">An Altar Piece. — Guido.</p><p>
</p><p>The top, a Heaven; in the middle, at a distance, the Padre-Eterno 
indistinctly seen, and lost, as it were, in glory. On either hand, Angels of 
all degrees in attitudes of adoration and wonder. A little lower, and next 
the eye, supported on the wings of Seraphs, Christ (the principal figure) with 
an air of calm and serene majesty, his hand extended, as commanding the 
elements to their several places: near him an Angel of superior rank bearing 
the golden compasses (that Milton describes); beneath the Chaos, like a dark 
and turbulent ocean, only illumined by the Spirit, who is brooding over it.
</p><p rend="center">A small Picture. — Correggio.</p>
<p>Eve newly created, admiring her own shadow in the lake.<lb/>
<emph>The famous Venus of this master, now in the possession of Sir William 
Hamilton, proves how judiciously Mr. Gray fixed upon his pencil for the 
execution of this charming subject.</emph>
</p><p rend="center">Another. — Domenichino.</p>
<p>Medea in a pensive posture, with revenge and maternal affection striving 
in her visage; her two children at play, sporting with one another before
her. On one side a bust of Jason, to which they bear some resemblance.
<pb n="361" xml:id="p1-361"/>
</p><ab rend="center">A Statue. — Michael Angelo.</ab>
<p>Agave in the moment she returns to her senses; the head of her Son, fallen 
on the ground from her hand.
</p><p rend="center">A Picture. — Salvator Rosa.</p><ab type="implicit"> Æneas and the 
Sybil sacrificing to Pluto by torch light in the wood, the assistants in a 
fright. The Day beginning to break, so as dimly to shew the mouth of the 
cavern.<lb/>
Sigismonda with the heart of Guiscardo before her. I have seen a small print 
on this subject, where the expression is admirable, said to be graven from a 
picture of Correggio.<lb/>
<emph>Afterwards, when he had seen the original in the possession of the late 
Sir Luke Schaub, he always expressed the highest admiration of it; though we 
see, by his here giving it to Salvator Rosa, he thought the subject too horrid 
to be treated by Correggio; and indeed I believe it is agreed that the capital 
picture in question is not of his hand.</emph></ab>
<p rend="center">Another. — Albano, or the Parmeggiano.</p>
<p>Iphigenia asleep by the fountain side, her maids about her; Cymon gazing 
and laughing.
</p><p rend="center">Another. — Domenichino, or the Carracci.</p>
<p>Electra with the urn, in which she imagined were her Brother's ashes,
lamenting over them; Orestes smothering his concern.
</p><p rend="center">Another. — Correggio.</p>
<p>Ithuriel and Zephon entering the bower of Adam and Eve; they sleeping. The
light to proceed from the Angels.
</p><p rend="center">Another. — Nicholas Poussin.</p>
<p>Alcestis dying; her children weeping, and hanging upon her robe; the 
youngest of them, a little boy, crying too, but appearing rather to do so, 
because the others are afflicted, than from any sense of the reason of their 
sorrow: her right arm should be round this, her left extended towards the 
rest, as recommending them to her Lord's care; he fainting, and supported by 
the attendants.
<pb n="362" xml:id="p1-362"/>
</p><ab rend="center">Salvator Rosa.</ab>
<p>Hannibal passing the Alps; the mountaineers rolling down rocks upon his 
army; elephants tumbling down the precipices.
</p><p rend="center">Another. — Domenichino.</p>
<p>Arria giving Claudius's order to Paetus, and stabbing herself at the same 
time.
</p><p rend="center">N. Poussin, or Le Seur.</p>
<p>Virginius murdering his daughter; Appius at a distance, starting up from 
his tribunal; the people amazed, but few of them seeing the action itself.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n275_15"/>
<ref target="#an275_15">275, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the dedicatorial sonnet:</hi> see
<ref target="#an267_7">267, 7</ref>, and <ref target="#n267_7">the
note</ref>.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n275_19"/>
<ref target="#an275_19">275, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">"his ghastly smile":</hi> a 
jocose allusion to what Gray, in another place, calls Lord Holdernesse's ugly 
face. Mitford. The line reads "his wonted smile." 
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n276_3"/>
<ref target="#an276_3">276, 3</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Bentham:</hi> James Bentham
(1708-94), prebendary of Ely. The "Historical Remarks on the Saxon
Churches," which Gray here reviews, formed the introduction to his <emph>History 
of Ely Cathedral</emph>. It was afterward erroneously attributed to Gray (<emph>The
Gentleman's Magazine</emph>, May, 1783, liii. 1. 376, July, 1784, liv. 2. 505).
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n280_19"/>
<ref target="#an280_19">280, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the epitaph:</hi> the <emph>Epitaph
on Miss Drummond</emph>, Mason's <emph>Works</emph>, i. 138. The draft (16 lines) 
which Gray criticized is printed in the <emph>Correspondence of
Gray and Mason</emph>, pp. 394 f. The Archbishop of York, Robert Hay Drummond
(1711-76), was translated from Salisbury in 1761. His daughter died in 1766,
aged 16.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n283_13"/>
<ref target="#an283_13">283, 13</ref>. <hi rend="bold">My only objection is . . . :</hi> 
the erasure here was made by Mason in compliment to Beattie. Gosse. A like 
erasure occurs at 284, 10.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n283_19"/>
<ref target="#an283_19">283, 19</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Ferguson's:</hi> Adam 
Ferguson (1723-1816), professor of philosophy at Edinburgh 1759-85.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n283_22"/>
<ref target="#an283_22">283, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the fault you mention:</hi> 
Beattie had written (March 30): "A Professor at Edinburgh has published an
<emph>Essay on the History of Civil Society</emph>, but I have not seen it. It is
a fault 
<pb n="363" xml:id="p1-363"/>
common to almost all our Scotch authors, that they are too metaphysical."
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n287_12"/>
<ref target="#an287_12">287, 12</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the book:</hi> <emph>Historic 
Doubts on Richard the Third</emph>, 1768. For other contemporary opinions
concerning Walpole's ingenious work, see the articles by Dr. Milles and Robert
Masters in <emph>Archaeologia</emph>, i. 361-83, ii. 198-215 (1770, 1771), both 
adverse to Walpole.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n292_17"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:292#an292_17">292, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Speed:</hi> John Speed
(<emph>c.</emph> 1552-1629), whose <emph>History of Great Britaine</emph> appeared in 
1611. <hi rend="bold">Leslie:</hi> John Leslie (1527-96), bishop of Ross; his <emph>History of
Scotland</emph>, Latin version, was first published at Rome in 1578.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n293_17"/>
<ref target="#an293_17">293, 17</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Mr. Boswell's Book:</hi> <emph>An 
Account of Corsica, the Journal of a Tour to that Island, and a Memoir of
P. Paoli</emph>, 1768.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n294_2"/>
<ref target="#an294_2">294, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Sir William Cornwallis:</hi> 
ambassador to Spain under James I.; d. <emph>c.</emph> 1631.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n295_21"/>
<ref target="#an295_21">295, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Guthrie:</hi> William Guthrie 
(1708-70), who published in 1767 <emph>A General History of Scotland</emph>
in ten volumes.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n301_15"/>
<ref target="#an301_15">301, 15</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Some trifles:</hi> Here followed 
some verbal suggestions, the exact form of which has not been preserved, but 
the tenor of Gray's criticism, in detail, may be found in Forbes's <emph>Life of
Beattie</emph>, i. 197, and the appendix to the same. Gosse.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n302_23"/>
<ref target="#an302_23">302, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Monstrelet:</hi> Euguerrand de 
Monstrelet (1390-1453); his <emph>Chronique</emph> covers the years 1400-44.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n303_1"/>
<ref target="#an303_1">303, 1</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Philip de Comines:</hi> 1445-1509. 
His <emph>Mémoires</emph>, 4 vols., edited by Lenglet-Dufresnoy, had been 
published in London in 1747. See Sir J. F. Stephen, <emph>Horae sabbaticae</emph>,
i. 55-123.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n303_2"/>
<ref target="rfttr1:303#an303_2">303, 2</ref>. <hi rend="bold">Villehardouin:</hi> Geoffroi de
Villehardouin (<emph>c.</emph> 1160-<emph>c.</emph> 1213) wrote a history of the 
Fourth Crusade, covering the years 1198-1207. <hi rend="bold">Joinville:</hi> Jean, Sire de
Joinville (1225-1317), whose <emph>Histoire de Saint Louis</emph> gives a vivid 
picture of the reign of Louis IX. (1226-70). See Sir J. F. Stephen, <emph>Horae
sabbaticae</emph>, i. 1-21.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n303_23"/>
<ref target="#an303_23">303, 23</ref>. <hi rend="bold">such as imitate them:</hi> <emph>To 
fare, i. e., to go</emph>, is used in Pope's <emph>Odyssey</emph>, and so is
<emph>meed</emph>; <emph>wight</emph> (in a serious sense) is used by Milton and 
Dryden. <emph>Ween</emph> is used by Milton; <emph>gaude</emph> by Dryden;
<emph>shene</emph> by Milton; <emph>eschew</emph> by Atterbury; <emph>aye</emph> by
Milton. The poetical style in every nation (where there is a poetical style) 
abounds in old words. Beattie.
<pb n="364" xml:id="p1-364"/>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n304_10"/>
<ref target="#an304_10">304, 10</ref>. <hi rend="bold">the plaister of thy hair:</hi> I
did not intend a poem uniformly epical and solemn; but one rather that might
be lyrical, or even satirical, upon occasion. Beattie.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n304_18"/>
<ref target="#an304_18">304, 18</ref>. <hi rend="bold">I most admire:</hi> I meant here 
an ironical argument.  Perhaps, however, the irony is wrong [<emph>sic</emph>] 
placed. Mammon has now come to signify <emph>wealth</emph> or <emph>riches</emph>,
without any regard to its original meaning. Beattie.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n305_6"/>
<ref target="#an305_6">305, 6</ref>. <hi rend="bold">garniture:</hi> I have often wished 
to alter this same word, but have not yet been able to hit upon a better. 
Beattie.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n305_11"/>
<ref target="#an305_11">305, 11</ref>. <hi rend="bold">wandering:</hi>
<emph>wandering</emph> happens to be in the last line of the next stanza save one, 
otherwise it would certainly have been here. Beattie.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n305_25"/>
<ref target="#an305_25">305, 25</ref>. <hi rend="bold">that part:</hi> I had sent Mr. 
Gray from st. 23 to st. 39 by way of specimen. Beattie.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n306_4"/>
<ref target="#an306_4">306, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">like affectation:</hi> it does
so, and yet it is not affected. I have endeavoured once and again to clear
this passage of those obnoxious letters, but I never could please myself.
Alliteration has great authorities on its side, but I would never seek for it;
nay, except on some very particular occasions, I would rather avoid it. When
Mr. Gray, once before, told me of my propensity to alliteration, I repeated to
him one of his own lines, which is indeed one of the finest in poetry —
<quote>Nor cast one longing lingering look behind.</quote> Beattie.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n306_16"/>
<ref target="#an306_16">306, 16</ref>. <hi rend="bold">to advantage:</hi> this
remark is perfectly just. All I can say is, that I meant, from the beginning,
to take some latitude in the composition of this poem, and not confine myself
to the epical rules for narrative. In an epic poem these digressions and
reflections, etc., would be unpardonable. Beattie.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n306_22"/>
<ref target="#an306_22">306, 22</ref>. <hi rend="bold">hazardous at best:</hi> I would 
as soon make new coin, as knowingly make a new word, except I were to invent 
any art or science where they would be necessary. <emph>Infuriate</emph> is
used by Thomson, <emph>Summer</emph>, 1096 [and <emph>Autumn</emph>, 39]; and, which 
is much better authority, by Milton, <emph>Par. Lost</emph>, book vi. v. 487. 
Beattie; to which Mrs. Thrale added: "By twenty people; Gray was a merciless 
critic." The "twenty" would not include Shakespeare or Pope. Burns used it 
once (<emph>Sent to a Gentleman Offended</emph>).
<pb n="365" xml:id="p1-365"/>
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n307_4"/>
<ref target="#an307_4">307, 4</ref>. <hi rend="bold">enough before:</hi> what I said 
before referred only to sophists perverting the truth; this alludes to the 
method by which they pervert it. Beattie.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n307_9"/>
<ref target="#an307_9">307, 9</ref>. <hi rend="bold">rarely thunders:</hi> it sometimes 
thunders in the latter part of spring. <emph>Sultry day</emph> would be an 
improvement perhaps. Beattie.
</p><p><anchor xml:id="n307_21"/>
<ref target="#an307_21">307, 21</ref>. <hi rend="bold">with probability:</hi> this is 
an excellent hint; it refers to something I had been saying in my last letter 
to Mr. Gray, respecting the plan of what remains of <emph>The Minstrel</emph>. 
Beattie.
<pb n="366" xml:id="p1-366" type="unnumbered"/>
</p><ab/>
</div></div><div type="index"><pb n="367" xml:id="p1-367" type="unnumbered"/>
<head rend="center">Index</head>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Abelard and Héloïse, <ref target="#p1-130">130</ref>, <ref target="#p1-329">329</ref>.
</ab><ab><emph>Adam Bell</emph>, <ref target="#p1-34">34</ref>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>.
</ab><ab>Addison, J., <ref target="#p1-xxviii">xxviii</ref>-<ref target="#p1-xxxi">xxxi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-110">110</ref>, <ref target="#p1-134">134</ref>, 
<ref target="#p1-153">153</ref>, <ref target="#p1-324">324</ref>, <ref target="#p1-328">328</ref>, <ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>.
</ab><ab>Adrian IV., Pope, <ref target="#p1-49">49</ref>, <ref target="#p1-69">69</ref>, <ref target="#p1-77">77</ref>.
</ab><ab>Æsop, <ref target="#p1-128">128</ref>.
</ab><ab>Akenside, M., <ref target="#p1-141">141</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-176">176</ref>, <ref target="#p1-205">205</ref>, <ref target="#p1-208">208</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>, <ref target="#p1-343">343</ref>, <ref target="#p1-348">348</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Alamanni, L., <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Albani, F., <ref target="#p1-361">361</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Alembert, J. le R. d', <ref target="#p1-235">235</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref> f.  
</ab><ab><emph>Alexandre, Roman d'</emph>, <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Alexandrine, <ref target="#p1-27">27</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-47">47</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>.
</ab><ab><emph>Alfred, Proverbs of</emph>, <ref target="#p1-74">74</ref> f.,
<ref target="#p1-321">321</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Algarotti, Count F., <ref target="#p1-257">257</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-265">265</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-284">284</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-291">291</ref>, <ref target="#p1-358">358</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Alliteration, <ref target="#p1-58">58</ref>, <ref target="#p1-364">364</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Alps, The, <ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxi">xxxi</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-129">129</ref> ff. 
</ab><ab><emph>Amadis de Gaul</emph>, <ref target="#p1-245">245</ref>, <ref target="#p1-302">302</ref>, <ref target="#p1-356">356</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Amici, The, <ref target="#p1-262">262</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Anacreon, <ref target="#p1-137">137</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Angelo, Michael, <ref target="#p1-361">361</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Anno, Life of</emph>, <ref target="#p1-59">59</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Appian, <ref target="#p1-141">141</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Arabs, Rhyme among the, <ref target="#p1-xlvi">xlvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-68">68</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Archimedes, Speculum of, <ref target="#p1-174">174</ref>, <ref target="#p1-342">342</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Architecture, <ref target="#p1-xlii">xlii</ref> ff., Egyptian, <ref target="#p1-176">176</ref>; English, <ref target="#p1-xvii">xvii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-263">263</ref>;
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>[Architecture, (cntd.)]<lb/>Gothic, <ref target="#p1-175">175</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-227">227</ref>, <ref target="#p1-240">240</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-256">256</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-273">273</ref>, <ref target="#p1-276">276</ref> ff.; Grecian, <ref target="#p1-176">176</ref> f.;
Moorish, <ref target="#p1-176">176</ref> f.; Norman, <ref target="#p1-xlii">xlii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-13">13</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-310">310</ref> ff.; Persian, <ref target="#p1-176">176</ref>. See also
Gothic design. 
</ab><ab>Ariosto, <ref target="#p1-43">43</ref>, <ref target="#p1-108">108</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Aristophanes, <ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxix">xxxix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-lii">lii</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Aristotle, <ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxix">xxix</ref> f., 
<ref target="#p1-xxxiii">xxxiii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-3">3</ref>, <ref target="#p1-143">143</ref>, <ref target="#p1-161">161</ref>, <ref target="#p1-165">165</ref>, <ref target="#p1-187">187</ref>, <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-340">340</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Armstrong, John, <ref target="#p1-142">142</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-333">333</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Arnold, Matthew, <ref target="#p1-xxii">xxii</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-xxxiv">xxxiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-liii">liii</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Arthur, <ref target="#p1-89">89</ref>, <ref target="#p1-228">228</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-323">323</ref>, <ref target="#p1-353">353</ref>; <emph>Arthour 
and Merlin</emph>, <ref target="#p1-49">49</ref>, <ref target="#p1-316">316</ref>;
<emph>Morte d' Arthur</emph>, <ref target="#p1-302">302</ref>, <ref target="#p1-353">353</ref>.
</ab><ab>Ashton, T., <ref target="#p1-xi">xi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-124">124</ref>, <ref target="#p1-160">160</ref> f., 
<ref target="#p1-334">334</ref>, <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref>.
</ab><ab><emph>Assembly of Gods, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-41">41</ref>, <ref target="#p1-315">315</ref>.
</ab><ab><emph>Assembly of Ladies, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-40">40</ref>, <ref target="#p1-315">315</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Atterbury, Bp. F., <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Augustine, St., <ref target="#p1-57">57</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Bach, Carlo, <ref target="#p1-267">267</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Baiardi, O. A., <ref target="#p1-178">178</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-343">343</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Baïf, J. A. de, <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Baldwin, W., <ref target="#p1-48">48</ref>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>, <ref target="#p1-117">117</ref>, <ref target="#p1-325">325</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Ballads, <ref target="#p1-xxx">xxx</ref>. See also <emph>Chevy</emph> 
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="368" xml:id="p1-368"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>[Ballads, (cntd.)]<lb/> 
<emph>Chase, Child Maurice, Childe Waters, Glasgerion, The Nutbrown Maid.</emph> 
</ab><ab><emph>Ballet de la paix</emph>, <ref target="#p1-122">122</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Barberina, The, <ref target="#p1-260">260</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Barberino, F. da, <ref target="#p1-21">21</ref>, <ref target="#p1-312">312</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Barclay, A., <ref target="#p1-32">32</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Baucis and Philemon</emph>, <ref target="#p1-123">123</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Beattie, J., <ref target="#p1-282">282</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-299">299</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-303">303</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-362">362</ref> ff. 
</ab><ab><emph>Bel Inconnu, Le</emph>, <ref target="#p1-51">51</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Belle dame sans mercy.</emph> See Ros, Sir R.  
</ab><ab>Benbeirdh, <ref target="#p1-57">57</ref>, <ref target="#p1-318">318</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Bentham, James, <ref target="#p1-276">276</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-362">362</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Bentley, R. (1662-1742), <ref target="#p1-xxxiv">xxxiv</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Bentley's <emph>Designs</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xvi">xvi</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Bernard of Cluny, <ref target="#p1-71">71</ref>, <ref target="#p1-320">320</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Beryn, Tale of</emph>, <ref target="#p1-35">35</ref>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Bevis of Southampton</emph>, <ref target="#p1-34">34</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-51">51</ref>, <ref target="#p1-314">314</ref>.
</ab><ab><emph>Bible, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xxx">xxx</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Birch, T., <ref target="#p1-159">159</ref>, <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Boccaccio, G., <ref target="#p1-21">21</ref>, <ref target="#p1-43">43</ref>, <ref target="#p1-91">91</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-101">101</ref>, <ref target="#p1-105">105</ref>, <ref target="#p1-108">108</ref>, <ref target="#p1-112">112</ref>, <ref target="#p1-119">119</ref>, <ref target="#p1-324">324</ref>.
</ab><ab>Boileau Despréaux, N., <ref target="#p1-xxx">xxx</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Bolingbroke, Lord, <ref target="#p1-xl">xl</ref>, <ref target="#p1-7">7</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-230">230</ref>, <ref target="#p1-309">309</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Bonfoy, Mr., <ref target="#p1-186">186</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Bonstetten, C. V. de, <ref target="#p1-xx">xx</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxvi">xxvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-li">li</ref>, <ref target="#p1-296">296</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Boswell, J., <ref target="#p1-xx">xx</ref>, <ref target="#p1-293">293</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Bougeant, G. H., <ref target="#p1-129">129</ref>, <ref target="#p1-328">328</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Bower, A., <ref target="#p1-151">151</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Bramston, J., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>.
</ab><ab><emph>Britain's Ida</emph>, <ref target="#p1-47">47</ref>. 
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Broekhuisen, Jean, <ref target="#p1-137">137</ref>, <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Brooke, Henry, <ref target="#p1-124">124</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-328">328</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Brooke, Lord, <ref target="#p1-120">120</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Brown, James, <ref target="#p1-xxii">xxii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxiv">xxiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxviii">xxxviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlix">xlix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-208">208</ref>, <ref target="#p1-244">244</ref>, <ref target="#p1-251">251</ref>, <ref target="#p1-257">257</ref>, <ref target="#p1-284">284</ref>, <ref target="#p1-286">286</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Brown, John, <ref target="#p1-155">155</ref>, <ref target="#p1-185">185</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>.
</ab><ab>Buckhurst, Lord, <ref target="#p1-116">116</ref>, <ref target="#p1-120">120</ref>, <ref target="#p1-325">325</ref>.
</ab><ab>Buffon, Comte de, <ref target="#p1-162">162</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-174">174</ref>, <ref target="#p1-231">231</ref>, <ref target="#p1-269">269</ref>, <ref target="#p1-338">338</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Burnet, G., <ref target="#p1-171">171</ref>, <ref target="#p1-326">326</ref>, <ref target="#p1-341">341</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Burns, R., <ref target="#p1-364">364</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Bury Abbey, <ref target="#p1-277">277</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Butler, S., <ref target="#p1-55">55</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Bysshe, E., <ref target="#p1-xxx">xxx</ref>.
</ab><lb/><ab>Caedmon's <emph>Hymn</emph>, <ref target="#p1-59">59</ref>, <ref target="#p1-85">85</ref>, <ref target="#p1-318">318</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Caesar, J., <ref target="#p1-197">197</ref>, <ref target="#p1-206">206</ref>, <ref target="#p1-218">218</ref>, <ref target="#p1-350">350</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Caesura, <ref target="#p1-25">25</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-314">314</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Cambis-Velleron, Marquis de, <ref target="#p1-128">128</ref>, <ref target="#p1-328">328</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Cambridge University, <ref target="#p1-xi">xi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxiv">xxiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxvii">xxxvii</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Canterbury Cathedral, <ref target="#p1-278">278</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Canzoni, <ref target="#p1-47">47</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Carew, Sir G., <ref target="#p1-159">159</ref>, <ref target="#p1-184">184</ref>, <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref>.
</ab><ab><emph>Carlisle, The Earl of</emph>, <ref target="#p1-52">52</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Carracci, The, <ref target="#p1-274">274</ref>, <ref target="#p1-361">361</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Catullus, <ref target="#p1-xlvi">xlvi</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Cavalcanti, G., <ref target="#p1-70">70</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Caxton, W., <ref target="#p1-41">41</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Celtic literature, <ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xviii">xviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlvii">xlvii</ref>. See also Ossian, Welsh literature.  
</ab><ab><emph>Cephalo and Procri</emph>, <ref target="#p1-139">139</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Chambers, Sir W., <ref target="#p1-265">265</ref>, <ref target="#p1-359">359</ref>. 
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="369" xml:id="p1-369"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Champneys, B., <ref target="#p1-xliv">xliv</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Charles I. of England, <ref target="#p1-263">263</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Chaucer, G., <ref target="#p1-xxxiii">xxxiii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlvii">xlvii</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-21">21</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-24">24</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-31">31</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-36">36</ref>, <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>-<ref target="#p1-44">44</ref>, <ref target="#p1-49">49</ref>
ff., <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-63">63</ref>, <ref target="#p1-90">90</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-98">98</ref>, <ref target="#p1-103">103</ref>, <ref target="#p1-105">105</ref>, <ref target="#p1-109">109</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-312">312</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-324">324</ref> f.
</ab><ab><emph>Chevy Chase</emph>, <ref target="#p1-55">55</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Child Maurice</emph>, <ref target="#p1-55">55</ref>, <ref target="#p1-187">187</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Childe Waters</emph>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>. 
</ab><ab>China, Gardening in, <ref target="#p1-265">265</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Cholmer and Dancing, Tenure of</emph>, <ref target="#p1-73">73</ref>, <ref target="#p1-84">84</ref>, <ref target="#p1-320">320</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Chorus, <ref target="#p1-l">l</ref>, <ref target="#p1-166">166</ref> ff.,
<ref target="#p1-190">190</ref>, <ref target="#p1-339">339</ref> ff. 
</ab><ab><emph>Christina, Life of St.</emph>, <ref target="#p1-70">70</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Churchill, C, <ref target="#p1-269">269</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>, <ref target="#p1-359">359</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Chute, J., <ref target="#p1-xxiv">xxiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxviii">xxxviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlix">xlix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-138">138</ref>, <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Cibber, C, <ref target="#p1-xvii">xvii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-144">144</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Cicero, <ref target="#p1-xxix">xxix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-144">144</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-158">158</ref>, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref>, <ref target="#p1-341">341</ref>, <ref target="#p1-348">348</ref>.
</ab><ab>Cignani, Carlo, <ref target="#p1-274">274</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Ciullo del Carno, <ref target="#p1-64">64</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Clanvowe, Sir T., <ref target="#p1-44">44</ref>, <ref target="#p1-316">316</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Clarke, Dr., <ref target="#p1-239">239</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Clarke, S., <ref target="#p1-xli">xli</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-8">8</ref>, <ref target="#p1-309">309</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Clive, Mrs., <ref target="#p1-124">124</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Clough, A. H., <ref target="#p1-xxiii">xxiii</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Clymme of the Clough</emph>, <ref target="#p1-34">34</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Cocchi, G., <ref target="#p1-216">216</ref>, <ref target="#p1-246">246</ref>, <ref target="#p1-261">261</ref>, <ref target="#p1-349">349</ref>, <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>, <ref target="#p1-359">359</ref>.
</ab><ab>Coke, Lady Mary, <ref target="#p1-242">242</ref>, <ref target="#p1-355">355</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Collins, W., <ref target="#p1-144">144</ref>, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Colman, G., <ref target="#p1-231">231</ref>, <ref target="#p1-233">233</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-237">237</ref>, <ref target="#p1-249">249</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>.
</ab><ab>Comedy, <ref target="#p1-167">167</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Comines, P. de, <ref target="#p1-296">296</ref>, <ref target="#p1-303">303</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>. 
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Congreve, <ref target="#p1-xxi">xxi</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Cornwallis, Sir W., <ref target="#p1-294">294</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Correggio, F., <ref target="#p1-360">360</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Coventry, F. and H., <ref target="#p1-165">165</ref>, <ref target="#p1-339">339</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Crébillon, C. P. J. de (<emph>fils</emph>), <ref target="#p1-129">129</ref>, <ref target="#p1-133">133</ref>, <ref target="#p1-138">138</ref>, <ref target="#p1-328">328</ref>, <ref target="#p1-330">330</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Crébillon, P. J. de (<emph>père</emph>), <ref target="#p1-158">158</ref>, <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref>.
</ab><ab>Crescimbeni, G. M., <ref target="#p1-21">21</ref>, <ref target="#p1-23">23</ref>, <ref target="#p1-30">30</ref>, <ref target="#p1-33">33</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>, <ref target="#p1-40">40</ref>, <ref target="#p1-43">43</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-47">47</ref>, <ref target="#p1-56">56</ref>, <ref target="#p1-61">61</ref>, <ref target="#p1-64">64</ref>, <ref target="#p1-68">68</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-82">82</ref>, <ref target="#p1-312">312</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Criticism in Gray's time, <ref target="#p1-xxvii">xxvii</ref> ff.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Dacier, A., <ref target="#p1-6">6</ref>, <ref target="#p1-309">309</ref>.
</ab><ab><emph>Dance of Death, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-91">91</ref>, <ref target="#p1-111">111</ref>, <ref target="#p1-324">324</ref>.
</ab><ab>Daniel, A., <ref target="#p1-30">30</ref>, <ref target="#p1-46">46</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Daniel, S., <ref target="#p1-xlix">xlix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-46">46</ref>, <ref target="#p1-118">118</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-325">325</ref> f.
</ab><ab>Dante, <ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-23">23</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-30">30</ref>, <ref target="#p1-44">44</ref>, <ref target="#p1-48">48</ref>, <ref target="#p1-61">61</ref>, <ref target="#p1-63">63</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-72">72</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Dante da Majano, <ref target="#p1-70">70</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Dares Phrygius, <ref target="#p1-90">90</ref>, <ref target="#p1-323">323</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Darwin, C, <ref target="#p1-xxv">xxv</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Daubenton, L. J. M., <ref target="#p1-162">162</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-338">338</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Davanzati Bostichi, B., <ref target="#p1-136">136</ref>, <ref target="#p1-330">330</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Death</emph>. See <emph>Long Life</emph>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Death and Life</emph>, <ref target="#p1-67">67</ref>, <ref target="#p1-320">320</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Degree, Sir</emph>, <ref target="#p1-52">52</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Delap, J., <ref target="#p1-249">249</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Dennis, J., <ref target="#p1-xxviii">xxviii</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Destouches, P. N., <ref target="#p1-124">124</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Diodorus, <ref target="#p1-151">151</ref>, <ref target="#p1-176">176</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>, <ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>, <ref target="#p1-343">343</ref>.
</ab><ab>Dionysius of Halicarnassus, <ref target="#p1-101">101</ref>, <ref target="#p1-147">147</ref>.
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="370" xml:id="p1-370"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Dodsley, J., <emph>Collection of Poems</emph>, <ref target="#p1-l">l</ref>, <ref target="#p1-150">150</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-170">170</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-185">185</ref>, <ref target="#p1-205">205</ref>, <ref target="#p1-230">230</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">32</ref>, <ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>, <ref target="#p1-347">347</ref> f.
</ab><ab>Dodsley, R., <ref target="#p1-216">216</ref>, <ref target="#p1-349">349</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Doggerel, <ref target="#p1-xlv">xlv</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-26">26</ref>, <ref target="#p1-33">33</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-55">55</ref>, <ref target="#p1-313">313</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Domenichino. See Zampieri, D. 
</ab><ab>Donne, J., <ref target="#p1-37">37</ref>, <ref target="#p1-48">48</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-175">175</ref>, <ref target="#p1-342">342</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Douglas, G., <ref target="#p1-xxxiii">xxxiii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>-<ref target="#p1-44">44</ref>, <ref target="#p1-49">49</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Drant, T., <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>.
</ab><ab>Drayton,M., <ref target="#p1-35">35</ref>, <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-119">119</ref>, <ref target="#p1-325">325</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Druids, <ref target="#p1-83">83</ref>, <ref target="#p1-86">86</ref>, <ref target="#p1-206">206</ref>. See also Mythology, Celtic. 
</ab><ab>Dryden, J., <ref target="#p1-xx">xx</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxviii">xxviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxii">xxxii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-28">28</ref>, <ref target="#p1-40">40</ref>, <ref target="#p1-94">94</ref>, <ref target="#p1-98">98</ref>, <ref target="#p1-109">109</ref>, <ref target="#p1-134">134</ref>, <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-219">219</ref>, <ref target="#p1-330">330</ref>, <ref target="#p1-340">340</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Dufresne, A. A. Q., <ref target="#p1-124">124</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Dugdale, Sir W., <ref target="#p1-251">251</ref>, <ref target="#p1-323">323</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Dumenil, Mlle., <ref target="#p1-125">125</ref>, <ref target="#p1-328">328</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Durham Cathedral, <ref target="#p1-16">16</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-278">278</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Durham Field</emph>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Dyer, Sir E., <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Dyer, J., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>.
</ab><lb/><ab><emph>Edda, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-207">207</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Eger and Grime</emph>, <ref target="#p1-52">52</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Eglamour, Sir</emph>, <ref target="#p1-51">51</ref>, <ref target="#p1-324">324</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Ekkehard IV., monk of St. Gall, <ref target="#p1-62">62</ref>, <ref target="#p1-77">77</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-322">322</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Elegy, Requirements for, <ref target="#p1-121">121</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Elisi, <ref target="#p1-246">246</ref>, <ref target="#p1-356">356</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Elizabeth, Queen, <ref target="#p1-27">27</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Ely Cathedral, <ref target="#p1-14">14</ref>, <ref target="#p1-16">16</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-240">240</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-277">277</ref>, <ref target="#p1-280">280</ref>, <ref target="#p1-355">355</ref>, <ref target="#p1-362">362</ref>.  
</ab><ab>England, Arts in, <ref target="#p1-259">259</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-265">265</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Ethelbert, Epitaph on</emph>, <ref target="#p1-78">78</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-322">322</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Eton College, <ref target="#p1-xi">xi</ref>.
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Eustace. See Wace. 
</ab><ab>Evans, Dr., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Evans, E., <ref target="#p1-233">233</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Fabyan, R., <ref target="#p1-26">26</ref>, <ref target="#p1-41">41</ref>, <ref target="#p1-314">314</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Farinelli, C. B., <ref target="#p1-123">123</ref>, <ref target="#p1-246">246</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Federigo, Imperador, <ref target="#p1-64">64</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Fénel, Abbé, <ref target="#p1-206">206</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Ferguson, A., <ref target="#p1-283">283</ref>, <ref target="#p1-362">362</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Fides, Life of St.</emph>, <ref target="#p1-65">65</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Fielding, H., <ref target="#p1-132">132</ref>, 
<ref target="#p1-330">330</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Fitz-Osborne, Sir T. See Melmoth, W.  
</ab><ab>Fleury, A. H. de, <ref target="#p1-174">174</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Flodden Field</emph>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>, <ref target="#p1-67">67</ref>, <ref target="#p1-320">320</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Flower and the Leaf, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-40">40</ref>, <ref target="#p1-315">315</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Folcacchio de' Folcacchieri, <ref target="#p1-47">47</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Fontaine. See La Fontaine. 
</ab><ab>Fontenelle, B. le B. de, <ref target="#p1-268">268</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Fortune, <ref target="#p1-149">149</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Fraigneau, W., <ref target="#p1-142">142</ref>, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref>. 
</ab><ab>France, Gray traveling in, <ref target="#p1-xii">xii</ref>, 
<ref target="#p1-122">122</ref>-<ref target="#p1-129">129</ref>; sights in, <ref target="#p1-272">272</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Francis, St., <ref target="#p1-40">40</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Frederick the Great, <ref target="#p1-173">173</ref>, <ref target="#p1-230">230</ref>, <ref target="#p1-260">260</ref>, <ref target="#p1-288">288</ref>, <ref target="#p1-342">342</ref>, <ref target="#p1-353">353</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-356">356</ref>, <ref target="#p1-358">358</ref> f.  
</ab><ab><emph>Frere and the Boy, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-51">51</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Freret, N., <ref target="#p1-207">207</ref>, <ref target="#p1-347">347</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Froissart, J., <ref target="#p1-228">228</ref>, <ref target="#p1-302">302</ref>, <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref> f.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Galuppi, B., <ref target="#p1-139">139</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Gamelyn, Tale of</emph>, <ref target="#p1-35">35</ref>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>, <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Garrick, D., <ref target="#p1-139">139</ref>, <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-165">165</ref>, <ref target="#p1-208">208</ref>, <ref target="#p1-216">216</ref>, <ref target="#p1-231">231</ref>, <ref target="#p1-234">234</ref>, <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref>, <ref target="#p1-339">339</ref>, <ref target="#p1-347">347</ref> ff. 
</ab><ab>Gascoyne, G., <ref target="#p1-40">40</ref>, <ref target="#p1-42">42</ref>, <ref target="#p1-50">50</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>. 
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="371" xml:id="p1-371"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Gaussin, Mlle., <ref target="#p1-124">124</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Gautier de Châtillon, <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Gaveston, P., <ref target="#p1-119">119</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Gawayne, Sir, and the Green Knight</emph>, <ref target="#p1-51">51</ref>.  
</ab><ab>George III. of England, <ref target="#p1-263">263</ref>.  
</ab><ab>German literature, Gray's knowledge of, <ref target="#p1-xxxvi">xxxvi</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Gil Blas</emph>, See Moore, E.  
</ab><ab><emph>Gill Morrice</emph>. See <emph>Child Maurice</emph>.  
</ab><ab>Girard de Borneil, <ref target="#p1-47">47</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Glasgerion</emph>, <ref target="#p1-55">55</ref>, <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Glass, Stained, <ref target="#p1-226">226</ref> f.  
</ab><ab>Glover, R., <ref target="#p1-139">139</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Godiva, Lady, <ref target="#p1-323">323</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Goldynge, A., <ref target="#p1-55">55</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Gosling Scrag</emph>, <ref target="#p1-165">165</ref>, <ref target="#p1-339">339</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Gothic design, <ref target="#p1-247">247</ref>. See also Architecture,
Gothic.  
</ab><ab>Gower, J., <ref target="#p1-xlvii">xlvii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-41">41</ref>, <ref target="#p1-49">49</ref>, <ref target="#p1-90">90</ref>, <ref target="#p1-98">98</ref>, <ref target="#p1-315">315</ref>, <ref target="#p1-323">323</ref>.
</ab><ab>Grande Chartreuse, <ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-129">129</ref>, <ref target="#p1-272">272</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-329">329</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Grandval, C. F. R.  de, <ref target="#p1-124">124</ref>, 
<ref target="#p1-328">328</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Gray, Dorothy, <ref target="#p1-xi">xi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xvi">xvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlix">xlix</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Gray, Philip, <ref target="#p1-xi">xi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Gray, Thomas, <emph>Agrippina</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-135">135</ref>, <ref target="#p1-330">330</ref>; <emph>Alcaic
Ode</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>; <emph>The Alliance of Education and
Government</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxiii">xxxiii</ref>; <emph>The Bard</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xvi">xvi</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-179">179</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-185">185</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-249">249</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>; <emph>De principiis cogitandi</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>; <emph>Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard</emph>,
<ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>-<ref target="#p1-xv">xv</ref>, 
<ref target="#p1-249">249</ref>; <emph>Essay on Norman Architecture</emph>,
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>[Gray, Thomas, (cntd.)]<lb/>
<ref target="#p1-xvi">xvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlii">xlii</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-13">13</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-310">310</ref> ff.; <emph>Essay on
the Philosophy of Lord Bolingbroke</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xl">xl</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-7">7</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-309">309</ref> f.; <emph>History of
English Poetry</emph>, proposed, <ref target="#p1-xviii">xviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlv">xlv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlix">xlix</ref>; <emph>Hymn to
Adversity</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>; <emph>Inscription for a
Wood</emph>, <ref target="#p1-140">140</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>;
<emph>Journal in the Lakes</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xix">xix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxv">xxv</ref>; <emph>Letters</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xxii">xxii</ref>
f., <ref target="#p1-xxv">xxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlix">xlix</ref>-<ref target="#p1-lii">lii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-122">122</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-326">326</ref> ff.; <emph>A Long Story</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xv">xv</ref>; <emph>Metrum</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xliv">xliv</ref> ff.,
<ref target="#p1-lii">lii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-21">21</ref> ff.,
<ref target="#p1-312">312</ref> ff.; minor poems, <ref target="#p1-xxxiii">xxxiii</ref>; <emph>Notes on Aristophanes</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xxxix">xxxix</ref>; <emph>Notes on Plato</emph>, 
<ref target="#p1-xxxix">xxxix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-3">3</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-309">309</ref> f.; <emph>Ode for Music</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xx">xx</ref>; <emph>Ode on a Distant Prospect of Eton College</emph>,
<ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>; <emph>Ode on Vicissitude</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xvi">xvi</ref>; <emph>Ode to Spring</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>; <emph>The Progress of Poesy</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xvi">xvi</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-249">249</ref>; <emph>Sonnet on the
Death of West</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>; <emph>Sophonisba ad 
Massinissam</emph>, <ref target="#p1-140">140</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Grecian republics, <ref target="#p1-183">183</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Greek, Gray a student of, <ref target="#p1-xii">xii</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxv">xxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxiv">xxxiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxix">xxxix</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Greek Anthology, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Green, M., <ref target="#p1-153">153</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Gresset, J. B. L., <ref target="#p1-151">151</ref>, <ref target="#p1-156">156</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>, <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Grimald, N., <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>, <ref target="#p1-314">314</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Guido delle Colonne, <ref target="#p1-64">64</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Guittone d' Arezzo, <ref target="#p1-45">45</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Gustavus Vasa</emph>. See Brooke, H. 
</ab><ab>Guthrie, W., <ref target="#p1-295">295</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Halfpenny, W., <ref target="#p1-248">248</ref>, <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>.
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="372" xml:id="p1-372"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Hall, Mr., <ref target="#p1-230">230</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Hall, J., <ref target="#p1-175">175</ref>, <ref target="#p1-342">342</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Hardycanute</emph>, <ref target="#p1-229">229</ref>, <ref target="#p1-353">353</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hardynge, J., <ref target="#p1-41">41</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Harvey, G., <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Hecuba</emph>. See Delap, J. 
</ab><ab>Hegesias the Cyrenaic, <ref target="#p1-210">210</ref>, <ref target="#p1-348">348</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Heliand, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-59">59</ref>, <ref target="#p1-318">318</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Helinand, <ref target="#p1-63">63</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Hénault, C. J. F., <ref target="#p1-163">163</ref>, <ref target="#p1-338">338</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Henry IV. of France, <ref target="#p1-183">183</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Henryson, R., <ref target="#p1-316">316</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Herculaneum, <ref target="#p1-178">178</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-194">194</ref>, <ref target="#p1-343">343</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hereford Cathedral, <ref target="#p1-18">18</ref>, <ref target="#p1-278">278</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Herodotus, <ref target="#p1-302">302</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hervey, A., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hervey, Lord, <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hickes, G., <ref target="#p1-22">22</ref>, <ref target="#p1-58">58</ref>
ff., <ref target="#p1-63">63</ref>, <ref target="#p1-313">313</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hill, A., <ref target="#p1-216">216</ref>, <ref target="#p1-349">349</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hoccleve, T., <ref target="#p1-xlvii">xlvii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-41">41</ref>, <ref target="#p1-98">98</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hodges, <ref target="#p1-208">208</ref>, <ref target="#p1-348">348</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hogarth, W., <ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Holbein, H., <ref target="#p1-291">291</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hollar, W., <ref target="#p1-248">248</ref>, <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Home, J., <ref target="#p1-187">187</ref>, <ref target="#p1-205">205</ref>, <ref target="#p1-347">347</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Homer, <ref target="#p1-xii">xii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-90">90</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-93">93</ref>, <ref target="#p1-122">122</ref>, <ref target="#p1-324">324</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Horace, <ref target="#p1-xii">xii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxix">xxix</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-xxxiii">xxxiii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlvi">xlvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-309">309</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Howe, W.  T., <ref target="#p1-257">257</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-264">264</ref>, <ref target="#p1-268">268</ref>, <ref target="#p1-284">284</ref>, <ref target="#p1-358">358</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Hudibras</emph>. See Butler, S. 
</ab><ab>Huet, P., <ref target="#p1-68">68</ref>, <ref target="#p1-320">320</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Hume, D., <ref target="#p1-xviii">xviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-238">238</ref>, <ref target="#p1-240">240</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-289">289</ref>, <ref target="#p1-295">295</ref>, <ref target="#p1-301">301</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-355">355</ref>.
</ab><ab>Huon de Mari, <ref target="#p1-34">34</ref>.
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Hurd, R., <ref target="#p1-186">186</ref>, <ref target="#p1-225">225</ref>, <ref target="#p1-248">248</ref>, <ref target="#p1-250">250</ref>, <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref>.
</ab><ab>Hutcheson, F., <ref target="#p1-133">133</ref>, <ref target="#p1-142">142</ref>, <ref target="#p1-329">329</ref> f.
</ab><lb/><ab><emph>Iphis and Ianthe</emph>, <ref target="#p1-123">123</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Isocrates, <ref target="#p1-299">299</ref>, <ref target="#p1-356">356</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Isola, A., <ref target="#p1-xx">xx</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Italian republics, <ref target="#p1-183">183</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Italy, Arts in, <ref target="#p1-260">260</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-360">360</ref> ff.; Gray traveling in, <ref target="#p1-xiii">xiii</ref>; sights in, <ref target="#p1-273">273</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-360">360</ref> ff.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Jacopo da Lentino, <ref target="#p1-64">64</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Jean li Nevelois, <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Jenyns, S., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-165">165</ref>, <ref target="#p1-185">185</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>, <ref target="#p1-339">339</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Jesuits' Letters, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-265">265</ref>, <ref target="#p1-359">359</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Jews, The, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Jodelle, Étienne, <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Johnson, S., <ref target="#p1-xxi">xxi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-153">153</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Joinville, J., Sire de, <ref target="#p1-303">303</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Jones, I., <ref target="#p1-263">263</ref>, <ref target="#p1-359">359</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Juvenal, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Kant, I., <ref target="#p1-356">356</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Keysler, J. G., <ref target="#p1-197">197</ref>, <ref target="#p1-346">346</ref> f.  
</ab><ab>King, Dr., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab><emph>Lady Jane Grey</emph>. See Rowe, N. 
</ab><ab>La Fontaine, J. de, <ref target="#p1-108">108</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Lambwell, Sir</emph>, <ref target="#p1-52">52</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Lamentation of Mary Magdalen</emph>, <ref target="#p1-40">40</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-315">315</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Landor, W. S., <ref target="#p1-356">356</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Landscape gardening in England, <ref target="#p1-265">265</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Langhorne, J., <ref target="#p1-270">270</ref>, <ref target="#p1-359">359</ref>.  
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="373" xml:id="p1-373"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Langland, W., <ref target="#p1-xlvi">xlvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-65">65</ref>
f., <ref target="#p1-319">319</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Latini, Brunetto, <ref target="#p1-44">44</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Latona, <ref target="#p1-127">127</ref>, <ref target="#p1-328">328</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Launcelot du Lake</emph>, <ref target="#p1-55">55</ref>, <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Laurel, <ref target="#p1-148">148</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-334">334</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Laurence de Premierfait, trans. of Boccaccio, <ref target="#p1-92">92</ref>, <ref target="#p1-324">324</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Laurentius, Epitaph on</emph>, <ref target="#p1-78">78</ref>, <ref target="#p1-322">322</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Layamon, <ref target="#p1-74">74</ref>, <ref target="#p1-321">321</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Leo II. (?), Pope, <ref target="#p1-71">71</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Leofric, Earl of Mercia, <ref target="#p1-84">84</ref>, <ref target="#p1-323">323</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Leonius, <ref target="#p1-69">69</ref>, <ref target="#p1-71">71</ref>, <ref target="#p1-320">320</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Leslie, J., <ref target="#p1-292">292</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Le Sueur, E., <ref target="#p1-272">272</ref>, <ref target="#p1-362">362</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Livy, <ref target="#p1-xii">xii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-130">130</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-141">141</ref>, <ref target="#p1-329">329</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Lloyd, R., <ref target="#p1-231">231</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-233">233</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-249">249</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>, <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Llywark. See Lomarkk. 
</ab><ab>Lodge, T., <ref target="#p1-42">42</ref>, <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Lomarkk, <ref target="#p1-57">57</ref>, <ref target="#p1-61">61</ref>, <ref target="#p1-80">80</ref>, <ref target="#p1-318">318</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Long, Roger, <ref target="#p1-xxxviii">xxxviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-215">215</ref>, <ref target="#p1-349">349</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Long Life</emph>, <ref target="#p1-76">76</ref>, <ref target="#p1-321">321</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Longinus, <ref target="#p1-309">309</ref>, <ref target="#p1-312">312</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Lorris, G. de, <ref target="#p1-63">63</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Lowth, R., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-250">250</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>, <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Lucian, <ref target="#p1-148">148</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Lucretius, <ref target="#p1-xii">xii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlvi">xlvi</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Ludlam, W. and T., <ref target="#p1-255">255</ref>, <ref target="#p1-358">358</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Lybius Disconius</emph>. See <emph>Bel Inconnu, Le</emph>. 
</ab><ab>Lydgate, J., <ref target="#p1-xxxiii">xxxiii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlvii">xlvii</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-22">22</ref>, <ref target="#p1-24">24</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>-<ref target="#p1-43">43</ref>, <ref target="#p1-49">49</ref>
f., <ref target="#p1-87">87</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-119">119</ref>, <ref target="#p1-315">315</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-323">323</ref> ff. 
</ab><ab>Lyndesay, Sir D., <ref target="#p1-41">41</ref>, <ref target="#p1-43">43</ref>, <ref target="#p1-49">49</ref>, <ref target="#p1-119">119</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Lyttelton, G., Baron, <ref target="#p1-149">149</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-165">165</ref>, <ref target="#p1-334">334</ref>, <ref target="#p1-339">339</ref>.  
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Machiavelli, N., <ref target="#p1-105">105</ref>, <ref target="#p1-108">108</ref>, <ref target="#p1-286">286</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Macpherson, J., <ref target="#p1-xviii">xviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-232">232</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-237">237</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-241">241</ref>, <ref target="#p1-353">353</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Maffei, S., <ref target="#p1-169">169</ref>, <ref target="#p1-341">341</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Mahomet Second</emph>. See Sauvé, J. B. 
</ab><ab>Maintenon, Mme.  de, <ref target="#p1-174">174</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-342">342</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Mallet, P.  H., <ref target="#p1-198">198</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-206">206</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-346">346</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Mann, Sir H., <ref target="#p1-xxv">xxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-138">138</ref>, <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>.
</ab><ab>Manning, R., of Brunn, <ref target="#p1-49">49</ref>, <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref>, <ref target="#p1-316">316</ref> f.
</ab><ab>Marcello, B., <ref target="#p1-260">260</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Margaret, Life of St.</emph>, <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref>, <ref target="#p1-62">62</ref>, <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>.
</ab><ab>Marino, G., <ref target="#p1-120">120</ref>, <ref target="#p1-326">326</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Marivaux, P. C. de C. de, <ref target="#p1-133">133</ref>, <ref target="#p1-330">330</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Marlborough, Lady, <ref target="#p1-139">139</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Marlowe, C, <ref target="#p1-168">168</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Martial, <ref target="#p1-137">137</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Mason, W., <ref target="#p1-xvii">xvii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxi">xxi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxiv">xxiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxi">xxxi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxviii">xxxviii</ref>, 
<ref target="#p1-xlv">xlv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlix">xlix</ref>-<ref target="#p1-lii">lii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-152">152</ref>, <ref target="#p1-155">155</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-160">160</ref>, <ref target="#p1-164">164</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-185">185</ref>, <ref target="#p1-188">188</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-197">197</ref>, <ref target="#p1-200">200</ref>, <ref target="#p1-205">205</ref>-<ref target="#p1-208">208</ref>, <ref target="#p1-212">212</ref>-<ref target="#p1-226">226</ref>, <ref target="#p1-231">231</ref>, <ref target="#p1-237">237</ref>, <ref target="#p1-241">241</ref>-<ref target="#p1-245">245</ref>, <ref target="#p1-248">248</ref>-<ref target="#p1-251">251</ref>, <ref target="#p1-255">255</ref>, <ref target="#p1-258">258</ref>, <ref target="#p1-266">266</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-269">269</ref>, <ref target="#p1-275">275</ref>, <ref target="#p1-280">280</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-291">291</ref>, 
<ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>-<ref target="#p1-340">340</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>-<ref target="#p1-352">352</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>, <ref target="#p1-359">359</ref>-<ref target="#p1-362">362</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Massinissa, <ref target="#p1-140">140</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Materialism, <ref target="#p1-208">208</ref> ff. 
</ab><ab>Mattei, C, <ref target="#p1-246">246</ref>, <ref target="#p1-356">356</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Mazzola, F., <ref target="#p1-361">361</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Melmoth, W., <ref target="#p1-156">156</ref>, <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref>. 
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="374" xml:id="p1-374"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Menander, <ref target="#p1-167">167</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Merlin, <ref target="#p1-90">90</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Merlin, Romance of</emph>. See <emph>Arthour and Merlin</emph>.  
</ab><ab>Merveille, Arnauld de, <ref target="#p1-30">30</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Metastasio, P. B., <ref target="#p1-222">222</ref>, <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Meun, J. de, <ref target="#p1-63">63</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Middleton, C., <ref target="#p1-xxiv">xxiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-138">138</ref>, <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-161">161</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-171">171</ref>, <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref>, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-341">341</ref> f.  
</ab><ab>Milton, J., <ref target="#p1-xx">xx</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxvii">xxvii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxix">xxix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxii">xxxii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-28">28</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-31">31</ref>, <ref target="#p1-37">37</ref>, <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>, <ref target="#p1-42">42</ref>, <ref target="#p1-44">44</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-47">47</ref>, <ref target="#p1-51">51</ref>, <ref target="#p1-134">134</ref>, <ref target="#p1-137">137</ref>, <ref target="#p1-201">201</ref>, <ref target="#p1-221">221</ref>, <ref target="#p1-236">236</ref>, <ref target="#p1-260">260</ref>, <ref target="#p1-275">275</ref>, <ref target="#p1-307">307</ref>, <ref target="#p1-314">314</ref>, <ref target="#p1-347">347</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref>, <ref target="#p1-355">355</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref> f.
</ab><ab>Mingotti, R. V., <ref target="#p1-222">222</ref>, <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Mirror for Magistrates, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-40">40</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>, <ref target="#p1-117">117</ref>, <ref target="#p1-119">119</ref>, <ref target="#p1-325">325</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Monstrelet, E. de, <ref target="#p1-302">302</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Montagu, Lady M. W., <ref target="#p1-156">156</ref>, <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Montesquieu, C. de Secondat, Baron de, <ref target="#p1-xv">xv</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-157">157</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-162">162</ref>, <ref target="#p1-174">174</ref>, <ref target="#p1-283">283</ref>, <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Montgon, C. A., <ref target="#p1-163">163</ref>, <ref target="#p1-338">338</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Moore, E., <ref target="#p1-165">165</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-339">339</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Morris, L., <ref target="#p1-81">81</ref>, <ref target="#p1-322">322</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Murphy, A., <ref target="#p1-208">208</ref>, <ref target="#p1-348">348</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Music in England, <ref target="#p1-262">262</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Mythology, Celtic, <ref target="#p1-189">189</ref>, <ref target="#p1-197">197</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-206">206</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-215">215</ref>; Germanic, <ref target="#p1-197">197</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-206">206</ref>; Grecian, <ref target="#p1-127">127</ref>, <ref target="#p1-189">189</ref>, <ref target="#p1-304">304</ref>; Italian, <ref target="#p1-147">147</ref>, <ref target="#p1-149">149</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Neville, T., <ref target="#p1-186">186</ref>, <ref target="#p1-267">267</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Nicholls, N., <ref target="#p1-xviii">xviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xx">xx</ref>, <ref target="#p1-l">l</ref>, <ref target="#p1-liii">liii</ref>, <ref target="rfttr1299">299</ref>, 
<ref target="#p1-302">302</ref>, <ref target="#p1-348">348</ref>.
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Norden, F. L., <ref target="#p1-159">159</ref>, <ref target="#p1-337">337</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Norwich Cathedral, <ref target="#p1-277">277</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Nugent, Earl, <ref target="#p1-150">150</ref>, <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-334">334</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Nut-brown Maid, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab><emph>Oaths of Strasburgh, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-65">65</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-319">319</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Observation and memory, <ref target="#p1-211">211</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Occleve. See Hoccleve. 
</ab><ab>Odo delle Colonne, <ref target="#p1-64">64</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Olympiade, L'</emph>, <ref target="#p1-139">139</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Orphan, The</emph>. See Otway, T. 
</ab><ab>Osric, Shrine of King, <ref target="#p1-19">19</ref>, <ref target="#p1-311">311</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Ossian, <ref target="#p1-xviii">xviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-229">229</ref>, <ref target="#p1-232">232</ref>, <ref target="#p1-235">235</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-241">241</ref>, <ref target="#p1-248">248</ref>, <ref target="#p1-250">250</ref>, <ref target="#p1-285">258</ref>, <ref target="#p1-353">353</ref>, <ref target="#p1-355">355</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Otfrid, <ref target="#p1-59">59</ref>, <ref target="#p1-318">318</ref>
f. 
</ab><ab>Ottava rima, <ref target="#p1-43">43</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Otway, T., <ref target="#p1-168">168</ref>, <ref target="#p1-340">340</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Ovid, <ref target="#p1-xii">xii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-90">90</ref>, <ref target="#p1-101">101</ref>, <ref target="#p1-122">122</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Owl and the Nightingale, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-49">49</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-75">75</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-321">321</ref>.
</ab><lb/><ab>Paganini, The, <ref target="#p1-262">262</ref>; Signora, <ref target="#p1-246">246</ref>, <ref target="#p1-356">356</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Painting in England, <ref target="#p1-263">263</ref>; in Italy, <ref target="#p1-360">360</ref> ff.
</ab><ab>Palgrave, W., <ref target="#p1-211">211</ref>, <ref target="#p1-272">272</ref>, <ref target="#p1-348">348</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Paris, The Judgment of</emph>, <ref target="#p1-123">123</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Parmigiano. See Mazzola, F. 
</ab><ab>Parrott, T. M., <ref target="#p1-xxiii">xxiii</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-xxvi">xxvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-liii">liii</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Pasquier, É., <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref>, <ref target="#p1-70">70</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Passerat, J., <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Patrick's Purgatory, St.</emph>, <ref target="#p1-228">228</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Pelloutier, S., <ref target="#p1-202">202</ref>, <ref target="#p1-347">347</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Percy, T., <ref target="#p1-67">67</ref>, <ref target="#p1-320">320</ref>.  
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="375" xml:id="p1-375"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Pergolese, G. B., <ref target="#p1-139">139</ref>, <ref target="#p1-262">262</ref>, <ref target="#p1-267">267</ref>, <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-359">359</ref>.
</ab><ab>Persepolis, <ref target="#p1-176">176</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Peru, Natural History of</emph>, <ref target="#p1-159">159</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Pescetti, G., <ref target="#p1-139">139</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Peter of Blois, <ref target="#p1-89">89</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Peterborough Cathedral, <ref target="#p1-14">14</ref>, <ref target="#p1-16">16</ref>-<ref target="#p1-20">20</ref>, <ref target="#p1-278">278</ref>, <ref target="#p1-312">312</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Petrarch, <ref target="#p1-21">21</ref>, <ref target="#p1-23">23</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-30">30</ref>, <ref target="#p1-44">44</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-48">48</ref>, <ref target="#p1-63">63</ref>, <ref target="#p1-91">91</ref>, <ref target="#p1-137">137</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Phaer, T., <ref target="#p1-55">55</ref>, <ref target="#p1-325">325</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Phelps, W. L., <ref target="#p1-xxiii">xxiii</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-xxxii">xxxii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-lii">lii</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Philosophe marié, Le</emph>. See Destouches, P. N. 
</ab><ab>Philosophy, Study of, <ref target="#p1-297">297</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Pierre de St. Cloit, <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Pilgrimage of the Soul</emph>, <ref target="#p1-91">91</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Pilkington, Letitia, <ref target="#p1-144">144</ref>, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Plato, <ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxix">xxxix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-li">li</ref>, <ref target="#p1-3">3</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-298">298</ref>, <ref target="#p1-309">309</ref>, <ref target="#p1-356">356</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Pliny, <ref target="#p1-137">137</ref>, <ref target="#p1-149">149</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-337">337</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Ploughman's Tale, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-50">50</ref>, <ref target="#p1-316">316</ref>.
</ab><ab>Plumptre, Dr., <ref target="#p1-xxxviii">xxxviii</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Plutarch, <ref target="#p1-143">143</ref>, <ref target="#p1-309">309</ref>, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Pococke, R., <ref target="#p1-176">176</ref>, <ref target="#p1-343">343</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Poems morale</emph>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>, <ref target="#p1-63">63</ref>, <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>, <ref target="#p1-319">319</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Poetry, Epic, <ref target="#p1-xxix">xxix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxi">xxxi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-222">222</ref>, <ref target="#p1-364">364</ref>; language of, <ref target="#p1-xxxii">xxxii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-l">l</ref>, <ref target="#p1-133">133</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>; lyric, <ref target="#p1-xxvi">xxvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxi">xxxi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-199">199</ref>, <ref target="#p1-221">221</ref> f.; subjects for, <ref target="#p1-193">193</ref> f.  
</ab><ab>Pope, A., <ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxviii">xxviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxx">xxx</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlv">xlv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-28">28</ref>, <ref target="#p1-97">97</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-109">109</ref>, <ref target="#p1-132">132</ref>, <ref target="#p1-134">134</ref>, <ref target="#p1-153">153</ref>, <ref target="#p1-328">328</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>, <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Porson, R., <ref target="#p1-xxxiv">xxxiv</ref>.  
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Porte, P. de la, <ref target="#p1-184">184</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Poseidippus, <ref target="#p1-xii">xii</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Pottinger, R., <ref target="#p1-231">231</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Poussin, N., <ref target="#p1-361">361</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Propertius, <ref target="#p1-137">137</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Psalter, Poetical</emph>, <ref target="#p1-77">77</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Pseudo-rhythmus. See Rhyme. 
</ab><ab>Puttenham, R. or G., <ref target="#p1-xlv">xlv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-25">25</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-41">41</ref>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>, <ref target="#p1-313">313</ref> f.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Queensberry, Lady, <ref target="#p1-139">139</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Quinault, Mlle., <ref target="#p1-124">124</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Quintilian, <ref target="#p1-xxx">xxx</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Racine, J., <ref target="#p1-125">125</ref>, <ref target="#p1-128">128</ref>, <ref target="#p1-175">175</ref>, <ref target="#p1-328">328</ref>, <ref target="#p1-341">341</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Radnor, Lord, <ref target="#p1-176">176</ref>, <ref target="#p1-342">342</ref> f.  
</ab><ab>Rambald de Vachères, <ref target="#p1-72">72</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Rapin, N., <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Religion. See Mythology.  
</ab><ab><emph>Remedy of Love, The</emph>, <ref target="#p1-41">41</ref>, <ref target="#p1-315">315</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Reni, Guido, <ref target="#p1-360">360</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Rhyme, <ref target="#p1-xliv">xliv</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-57">57</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-73">73</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-80">80</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-96">96</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-322">322</ref> ff.; doggerel, <ref target="#p1-xlv">xlv</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-26">26</ref>, <ref target="#p1-33">33</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-55">55</ref>, <ref target="#p1-313">313</ref> f.; leonine, <ref target="#p1-70">70</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-320">320</ref>; octave, <ref target="#p1-43">43</ref>; riding, <ref target="#p1-25">25</ref>, <ref target="#p1-32">32</ref>, <ref target="#p1-35">35</ref>, <ref target="#p1-313">313</ref>. See also Rime.  
</ab><ab>Rhys, D. ap, <ref target="#p1-50">50</ref>, <ref target="#p1-82">82</ref>.
</ab><ab>Richard III., <ref target="#p1-135">135</ref>, <ref target="#p1-287">287</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-294">294</ref> ff.  
</ab><ab>Richardson, J., the elder, <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>; the
younger, <ref target="#p1-247">247</ref>, <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Ridley, G., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Rima alla Provenzale, <ref target="#p1-70">70</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Rime couée, <ref target="#p1-50">50</ref>, <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>; riche, <ref target="#p1-70">70</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Rinaldo d' Aquino, <ref target="#p1-70">70</ref>.
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="376" xml:id="p1-376"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Robert Courthose, <ref target="#p1-19">19</ref>, <ref target="#p1-311">311</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Robert of Gloucester, <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-77">77</ref>, <ref target="#p1-89">89</ref>, <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Robin Hood</emph>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Robin of Portingale</emph>, <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Roger, abp. of York, <ref target="#p1-251">251</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-358">358</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Rolle, Mr., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Rolle, R., of Hampole, <ref target="#p1-90">90</ref>, <ref target="#p1-324">324</ref>.
</ab><ab>Ronsard, P. de, <ref target="#p1-28">28</ref>, <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Ros, Sir R., <ref target="#p1-42">42</ref>, <ref target="#p1-316">316</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Rosa, Salvator, <ref target="#p1-361">361</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Rousseau, J. J., <ref target="#p1-235">235</ref>, <ref target="#p1-245">245</ref>, <ref target="#p1-248">248</ref>, <ref target="#p1-259">259</ref>, <ref target="#p1-270">270</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-358">358</ref>, <ref target="#p1-360">360</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Rowe, N., <ref target="#p1-134">134</ref>, <ref target="#p1-168">168</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-340">340</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Rucellai, G., <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Sackville, T. See Buckhurst, Lord. 
</ab><ab>St. Paul's, London, <ref target="#p1-16">16</ref>, <ref target="#p1-18">18</ref>, <ref target="#p1-311">311</ref>.
</ab><ab>Sainte-Beuve, C. A., <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref> f.  
</ab><ab>Salisbury, Dean of, <ref target="#p1-188">188</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Sallé, The, <ref target="#p1-260">260</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Sauvé, J. B., <ref target="#p1-123">123</ref>, <ref target="#p1-327">327</ref>.
</ab><ab>Scalds, <ref target="#p1-86">86</ref>, <ref target="#p1-197">197</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Scaliger, J. C, <ref target="#p1-xxxvi">xxxvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-61">61</ref>, <ref target="#p1-70">70</ref>, <ref target="#p1-137">137</ref>, <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Scandinavian studies, <ref target="#p1-xviii">xviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Scogan, H., <ref target="#p1-42">42</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Scottish Field</emph>. See <emph>Flodden Field</emph>.
</ab><ab>Sculpture in England, <ref target="#p1-263">263</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Seneca, L. A., <ref target="#p1-120">120</ref>, <ref target="#p1-326">326</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Sepulchre, St., York, <ref target="#p1-251">251</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref> f. 
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Sequentiae, <ref target="#p1-82">82</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Sestine, <ref target="#p1-46">46</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Seward, T., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Shaftesbury, A. A. Cooper, 3d Earl of, <ref target="#p1-xxviii">xxviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-208">208</ref> ff. 
</ab><ab>Shakespeare, W., <ref target="#p1-xxix">xxix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxii">xxxii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxv">xxxv</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-134">134</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-164">164</ref>, <ref target="#p1-166">166</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-175">175</ref>, <ref target="#p1-244">244</ref>, <ref target="#p1-324">324</ref>, <ref target="#p1-330">330</ref>, <ref target="#p1-340">340</ref>, <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>, <ref target="#p1-364">364</ref>.
</ab><ab>Shaw, T., <ref target="#p1-177">177</ref>, <ref target="#p1-343">343</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Shenstone, W., <ref target="#p1-153">153</ref>, <ref target="#p1-205">205</ref>, <ref target="#p1-208">208</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>, <ref target="#p1-348">348</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Sidney, Sir P., <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Simonides, <ref target="#p1-101">101</ref>, <ref target="#p1-325">325</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Smart, C., <ref target="#p1-171">171</ref>, <ref target="#p1-216">216</ref>, <ref target="#p1-341">341</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Smith, A., <ref target="#p1-xviii">xviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-238">238</ref>, <ref target="#p1-240">240</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Smollett, T., <ref target="#p1-165">165</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Socrates, <ref target="#p1-4">4</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-142">142</ref>, (Sophronisci filius) <ref target="#p1-356">356</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Sonnet, <ref target="#p1-45">45</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Speed, Miss H., <ref target="#p1-xv">xv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xviii">xviii</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Speed, J., <ref target="#p1-292">292</ref>, <ref target="#p1-295">295</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Spence, J., <ref target="#p1-145">145</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-334">334</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Spenser, E., <ref target="#p1-27">27</ref>, <ref target="#p1-31">31</ref>, <ref target="#p1-35">35</ref>-<ref target="#p1-43">43</ref>, <ref target="#p1-45">45</ref>-<ref target="#p1-48">48</ref>, <ref target="#p1-51">51</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-118">118</ref>, <ref target="#p1-120">120</ref>, <ref target="#p1-303">303</ref>, <ref target="#p1-314">314</ref>, <ref target="#p1-326">326</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Staal de Launay, Baroness de, <ref target="#p1-184">184</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>.
</ab><ab>Statius, <ref target="#p1-xii">xii</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Steele, Sir R., <ref target="#p1-xxviii">xxviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxx">xxx</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Sterne, L., <ref target="#p1-230">230</ref>, <ref target="#p1-234">234</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Stonehewer, R., <ref target="#p1-xxiv">xxiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxviii">xxxviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-178">178</ref>, <ref target="#p1-208">208</ref>, <ref target="#p1-232">232</ref>, <ref target="#p1-235">235</ref>, <ref target="#p1-248">248</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Stowe, J., <ref target="#p1-74">74</ref>, <ref target="#p1-295">295</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Strabo, <ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Strawberry Hill, <ref target="#p1-176">176</ref>, <ref target="#p1-227">227</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Stricher, The, <ref target="#p1-59">59</ref>.
</ab><ab>Strode, R., <ref target="#p1-90">90</ref>, <ref target="#p1-324">324</ref>. 
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="377" xml:id="p1-377"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Strophe, <ref target="#p1-177">177</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-343">343</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Stukeley, W., <ref target="#p1-208">208</ref>, <ref target="#p1-348">348</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Sully, Duke of, <ref target="#p1-183">183</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Surrey, H. Howard, Earl of, <ref target="#p1-27">27</ref>, <ref target="#p1-29">29</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-40">40</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-44">44</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-50">50</ref>-<ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Swift, Dr., <ref target="#p1-206">206</ref>, <ref target="#p1-347">347</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Swift, J., <ref target="#p1-xxix">xxix</ref>.
</ab><lb/><ab>Tacitus, <ref target="#p1-131">131</ref>, <ref target="#p1-135">135</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-158">158</ref>, <ref target="#p1-196">196</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-206">206</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-235">235</ref>, <ref target="#p1-283">283</ref>, <ref target="#p1-329">329</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Taliesin, <ref target="#p1-57">57</ref>, <ref target="#p1-61">61</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-80">80</ref>, <ref target="#p1-318">318</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Tasso, T., <ref target="#p1-xx">xx</ref>, <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>,
<ref target="#p1-43">43</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Taylor, Jeremy, <ref target="#p1-247">247</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Temple, Sir W., <ref target="#p1-57">57</ref>.
</ab><ab>Temple, W. J., <ref target="#p1-xx">xx</ref> ff.  
</ab><ab>Tennyson, A., Lord, <ref target="#p1-xv">xv</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Terence, <ref target="#p1-167">167</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Terza rima, <ref target="#p1-44">44</ref>.
</ab><ab>Theocritus, <ref target="#p1-137">137</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Theodulus, <ref target="#p1-57">57</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Theology, <ref target="#p1-171">171</ref>. See also Materialism.
</ab><ab>Theophrastus, <ref target="#p1-149">149</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Thibaut, King of Navarre, <ref target="#p1-43">43</ref>, <ref target="#p1-63">63</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Thomson, J., <ref target="#p1-152">152</ref>, <ref target="#p1-236">236</ref>, <ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>, <ref target="#p1-364">364</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Thrale, Mrs., <ref target="#p1-364">364</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Thucydides, <ref target="#p1-136">136</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-143">143</ref>, <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref>, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Tibullus, <ref target="#p1-xlvi">xlvi</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Tickell, T., <ref target="#p1-153">153</ref>, <ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Tolomei, C, <ref target="#p1-38">38</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Torcy, Marquis de, <ref target="#p1-206">206</ref>, <ref target="#p1-347">347</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Tragedy, Greek, <ref target="#p1-xxix">xxix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-168">168</ref>, <ref target="#p1-340">340</ref> f. See also Chorus. 
</ab><ab><emph>Triamore, Sir</emph>, <ref target="#p1-51">51</ref>.
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>Trissino, <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Tristram, <ref target="#p1-228">228</ref>, <ref target="#p1-353">353</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Tully. See Cicero. 
</ab><ab>Turpin, Abp., <ref target="#p1-228">228</ref>, <ref target="#p1-353">353</ref>. 
</ab><lb/><ab>Ubaldini, U., <ref target="#p1-64">64</ref>, <ref target="#p1-72">72</ref>, <ref target="#p1-320">320</ref>. 
</ab><ab><emph>Ubi sunt?</emph> etc., <ref target="#p1-115">115</ref>, <ref target="#p1-325">325</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Urry, J., <ref target="#p1-21">21</ref>, <ref target="#p1-312">312</ref>.
</ab><lb/><ab>Vane, Lady, <ref target="#p1-165">165</ref>, <ref target="#p1-339">339</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Varro, <ref target="#p1-138">138</ref>, <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref>.  
</ab><ab><emph>Venus de' Medici</emph>, <ref target="#p1-213">213</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Versailles, <ref target="#p1-xxxi">xxxi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-125">125</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-328">328</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Verse, Alexandrine, <ref target="#p1-27">27</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-47">47</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-53">53</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-317">317</ref>; blank, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref>, <ref target="#p1-348">348</ref>; heroic, <ref target="#p1-28">28</ref>, <ref target="#p1-30">30</ref>, <ref target="#p1-94">94</ref>; leonine, <ref target="#p1-70">70</ref> f.; ottava rima, <ref target="#p1-43">43</ref>; sestine,
<ref target="#p1-46">46</ref>; sonnet, <ref target="#p1-45">45</ref>; strophe, <ref target="#p1-177">177</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-343">343</ref>; terza rima, <ref target="#p1-44">44</ref>. See also Caesura, Rhyme.  
</ab><ab>Versi sciolti, <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Vida, <ref target="#p1-xxx">xxx</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Viginelle, B., <ref target="#p1-39">39</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Villehardouin, G. de, <ref target="#p1-303">303</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Villeneuve, H. de, <ref target="#p1-34">34</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Virgil, <ref target="#p1-xii">xii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlvi">xlvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-90">90</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-148">148</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-263">263</ref>, <ref target="#p1-344">344</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Voltaire, <ref target="#p1-xxi">xxi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxvi">xxxvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-124">124</ref>, <ref target="#p1-173">173</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-179">179</ref>, <ref target="#p1-230">230</ref>, <ref target="#p1-269">269</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-342">342</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-349">349</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>, <ref target="#p1-358">358</ref>, <ref target="#p1-360">360</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Wace, <ref target="#p1-60">60</ref>, <ref target="#p1-319">319</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Walafrid Strabo, <ref target="#p1-62">62</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Waller, E., <ref target="#p1-96">96</ref>.  
</ab><ab>Walpole, H., <ref target="#p1-xi">xi</ref>-<ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxiii">xxiii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxv">xxv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxvi">xxxvi</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlix">xlix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-144">144</ref>, <ref target="#p1-146">146</ref>, <ref target="#p1-149">149</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-160">160</ref>, <ref target="#p1-164">164</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-170">170</ref>, 
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
<pb n="378" xml:id="p1-378"/>
<table style="width: 100%; border: 0"><row><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>[Walpole, H., (cntd.)]<lb/>
<ref target="#p1-227">227</ref>, <ref target="#p1-229">229</ref>, <ref target="#p1-239">239</ref>, <ref target="rfttr271">271</ref>, <ref target="#p1-287">287</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-294">294</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-334">334</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-342">342</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-345">345</ref>, <ref target="#p1-353">353</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-359">359</ref>, <ref target="#p1-363">363</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Warburton, W., <ref target="#p1-198">198</ref>, <ref target="#p1-225">225</ref>, <ref target="#p1-332">332</ref>, <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref>, <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>.
</ab><ab>Warton, J., <ref target="#p1-142">142</ref>, <ref target="#p1-144">144</ref>, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref>, <ref target="#p1-354">354</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Warton, T., <ref target="#p1-xlv">xlv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-35">35</ref>, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Waterland, D., <ref target="#p1-145">145</ref>, <ref target="#p1-171">171</ref>, <ref target="#p1-334">334</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Welsh literature, Gray studying, <ref target="#p1-xviii">xviii</ref>;
W. poetry, <ref target="#p1-233">233</ref>. 
</ab><ab>West, G., <ref target="#p1-150">150</ref>, <ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>. 
</ab><ab>West, R., <ref target="#p1-xi">xi</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-xxiii">xxiii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxii">xxxii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlix">xlix</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-122">122</ref>, <ref target="#p1-125">125</ref>, <ref target="#p1-129">129</ref>, <ref target="#p1-131">131</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-136">136</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-139">139</ref>, <ref target="#p1-151">151</ref>, <ref target="#p1-156">156</ref>, <ref target="#p1-326">326</ref>, <ref target="#p1-329">329</ref>, <ref target="#p1-331">331</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-335">335</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Wharton, T., <ref target="#p1-xiv">xiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xix">xix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxiv">xxiv</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xxxviii">xxxviii</ref>, <ref target="#p1-xlix">xlix</ref>, <ref target="#p1-141">141</ref>, <ref target="#p1-143">143</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-150">150</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-156">156</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-160">160</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-173">173</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-177">177</ref>, <ref target="#p1-179">179</ref>, <ref target="#p1-183">183</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-196">196</ref>, <ref target="#p1-204">204</ref>, 
</ab>
</ab></cell><cell style="width: 10%"/><cell style="width: 45%"><ab rend="outdent">
<ab>[Wharton, T., (cntd.)]<lb/>
<ref target="#p1-226">226</ref>, <ref target="#p1-228">228</ref>, <ref target="#p1-230">230</ref>, <ref target="#p1-232">232</ref>, <ref target="#p1-247">247</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-259">259</ref>, <ref target="#p1-269">269</ref>, <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Whitehead, W., <ref target="#p1-154">154</ref>, <ref target="#p1-216">216</ref>, <ref target="#p1-226">226</ref>, <ref target="#p1-249">249</ref>, <ref target="#p1-336">336</ref>, <ref target="#p1-352">352</ref>, <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Wilks, R., <ref target="#p1-124">124</ref>, <ref target="#p1-328">328</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Wistace. See Wace. 
</ab><ab>Wollaston, W., <ref target="#p1-xli">xli</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-10">10</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-310">310</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Wordsworth, W., <ref target="#p1-xix">xix</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Wormius, O., <ref target="#p1-58">58</ref>, <ref target="#p1-318">318</ref>. 
</ab><ab>Wren, Sir C., <ref target="#p1-13">13</ref>, <ref target="#p1-177">177</ref>, <ref target="#p1-276">276</ref>, <ref target="#p1-310">310</ref> f. 
</ab><ab>Wyatt, Sir T., the elder, <ref target="#p1-27">27</ref>, <ref target="#p1-30">30</ref>, <ref target="#p1-40">40</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-44">44</ref>-<ref target="#p1-47">47</ref>, <ref target="#p1-50">50</ref>
ff., <ref target="#p1-54">54</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab>Xenophon, <ref target="#p1-143">143</ref>, <ref target="#p1-333">333</ref>.  
</ab><lb/><ab>York Minster, <ref target="#p1-240">240</ref> f., <ref target="#p1-279">279</ref>, <ref target="#p1-355">355</ref>; St. Sepulchre, <ref target="#p1-251">251</ref> ff., <ref target="#p1-357">357</ref> f.
</ab><lb/><ab>Zampieri, D., <ref target="#p1-149">149</ref>, <ref target="#p1-273">273</ref>, <ref target="#p1-360">360</ref> ff. 
</ab>
</ab></cell></row></table>
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</p><p><hi rend="bold">Webster's White Devil</hi> and <hi rend="bold">Duchess Of Malfy</hi>. Edited by
Professor M. W. Sampson. 60 cents.  
</p><p><hi rend="bold">Goldsmith's Good-Natur'd Man</hi> and <hi rend="bold">She Stoops to Conquer</hi>.
Edited by Austin Dobson. 60 cents.  
</p><p><hi rend="bold">Browning's A Blot in the 'Scutcheon, Colombe's Birthday, A Soul's
Tragedy,</hi> and <hi rend="bold">In a Balcony</hi>. Edited by Professor Arlo Bates. 60
cents. 
</p><p><hi rend="bold">Robertson's Society and Caste</hi>. Edited by T. E. Pemberton. 60 cents.
</p><p rend="center">SECTION VI</p>
<p><hi rend="bold">Select Poems Of Coleridge.</hi> Edited by A. J. George. 60 cents. 
</p><p><hi rend="bold">Select Poems Of Swinburne.</hi> Edited by W. M. Payne. <emph>Nearly
ready</emph>.
</p></div>   
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——<lb/>
200 volumes in preparation<lb/>
——<lb/><lb/> 
D. C. HEATH &amp; CO., Publishers<lb/>
Boston       
New York       
Chicago       
London</ab>
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